Friday, October 23, 2026

Lydia Christensen for U.S. Senate: Another Voice for Michigan Built on Liberty, Independence and Opportunity



The Upper Peninsula Libertarian is offering Michigan voters something increasingly rare in American politics: a candidate willing to challenge both the Democrat and Republican parties and think beyond their traditional ideological boundaries

Michigan voters have heard the arguments from Republicans and Democrats for decades.

Lydia Christensen is asking them to consider something different.

The Libertarian candidate for the United States Senate is running on an ambitious combination of constitutional liberty, economic opportunity, healthcare choice, workers' rights, privacy, clean water, technological innovation and restraints on government power.

She doesn't fit comfortably into the political categories Washington has created.

And that may be precisely the point.

Christensen supports the Second Amendment while advocating affordable healthcare. She champions entrepreneurship while defending workers' ability to organize. She embraces emerging technology while demanding stronger protections against government surveillance. She wants economic development without sacrificing Michigan's Great Lakes or tribal treaty rights.

Under the banner of Unchaining Michigan, Christensen is making the case that voters shouldn't have to choose between personal liberty and economic security.

Her candidacy asks a larger question:

What if Michigan sent someone to Washington who wasn't beholden to either major party?

For voters exhausted by partisan warfare, Christensen is presenting herself as an independent-minded alternative who could force issues onto the Senate agenda that Republicans and Democrats too often discuss only when politically convenient.

From the Upper Peninsula to a U.S. Senate Campaign

Christensen lives in Ironwood in Michigan's western Upper Peninsula, where her family has roots.

Her campaign describes a life shaped not by privilege or a carefully constructed political résumé, but by adversity, foster care, technical education and the effort to build something for herself.

According to her campaign biography, Christensen was born in Ashland, Wisconsin, following an emergency helicopter transfer because the Upper Peninsula lacked the hospital infrastructure necessary for a safe delivery.

That experience gives her concern about rural healthcare a personal dimension.

For families living hundreds of miles from major metropolitan hospitals, healthcare isn't an abstract ideological debate.

It can mean whether a specialist is available.

Whether an ambulance arrives quickly enough.

Whether a hospital remains open.

Whether a mother can safely deliver a child.

Christensen brings those realities into a statewide race that can otherwise become dominated by Detroit, Lansing and Washington.

The national Libertarian Party's biography also identifies Christensen as a member of the Kiowa-Sioux Nation, providing another important dimension to her advocacy for tribal sovereignty, treaty obligations, clean water and protection of traditional lands.

Her candidate materials list education at the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh and Fox Valley Technical College. She describes technical qualifications equivalent to two college degrees in computer science and computer programming, along with experience in community organizing and development.

Whatever voters ultimately decide about her policies, Christensen clearly does not come from the conventional political assembly line.

And that is central to her appeal.

An Entrepreneur Rather Than a Career Politician

Christensen is the founder of Iron Fortress LLC, a technology venture envisioned around computing infrastructure, Bitcoin mining, artificial intelligence, manufacturing and connectivity.

In public comments submitted to the Michigan Public Service Commission in May 2026, she described Iron Fortress as a developing business dependent upon access to affordable local clean energy.

That experience gives Christensen a practical reason to care about energy policy.

Businesses cannot operate on political slogans.

They need electricity.

They need infrastructure.

They need financing.

They need workers.

They need predictable regulations.

And they need government processes that don't take years simply to say yes or no.

Christensen's interest in cryptocurrency, computing infrastructure and renewable-energy development also places her campaign directly inside one of America's most important economic questions:

Who will benefit from the next technological revolution?

Her answer appears to be that technological growth should create opportunities for ordinary communities rather than becoming another system controlled exclusively by enormous corporations and political insiders.

That is a potentially powerful message for Michigan.

The state that once helped define the industrial revolution now faces another transformation involving artificial intelligence, advanced manufacturing, data centers, automation and energy-intensive computing.

Christensen wants Michigan participating in that future rather than watching it happen somewhere else.

A Libertarian Who Isn't Afraid to Think Differently

Perhaps the most interesting thing about Christensen politically is that she does not appear interested in passing an ideological purity test.

She has described herself as both a civil-liberties libertarian and a participatory economic populist.

Those labels sound contradictory only if American politics is viewed through the narrow Republican-versus-Democrat framework.

Christensen's philosophy is considerably more straightforward.

Government should leave peaceful people alone.

Government should respect constitutional rights.

Government shouldn't spy on citizens without warrants.

Government shouldn't control people's personal lives.

But economic freedom should also mean that ordinary people have a realistic opportunity to obtain healthcare, housing, employment and financial independence.

That philosophy places Christensen somewhere outside conventional partisan boundaries.

And rather than hiding those differences, she has publicly acknowledged that portions of her agenda differ from traditional Libertarian orthodoxy.

Michigan Libertarian delegates nevertheless nominated her at their June 28, 2026 convention in Troy.

That willingness to disagree even with members of her own political movement could become one of Christensen's greatest strengths.

Michigan does not necessarily need another senator who votes according to instructions from a national party.

It could use someone willing to ask whether the party itself is wrong.

A Serious Challenge to America's Surveillance State

One of the strongest portions of Christensen's platform is her emphasis on privacy.

Americans carry devices capable of documenting their movements, communications, purchases and relationships virtually every hour of every day.

Government surveillance powers have expanded alongside that technology.

Christensen wants to reverse that trend.

She opposes reauthorizing Section 702 surveillance without a warrant requirement.

She wants to close loopholes allowing government agencies to purchase personal location information from private data brokers.

She supports disclosure of secret court opinions governing surveillance law.

She also wants restrictions on federal involvement in broad license-plate-reader tracking networks.

Her proposed Bill of Digital Rights goes further.

Christensen wants personal data treated as private property. Companies would need meaningful consent before collecting or selling personally identifying information, while federal facial-recognition systems would face restrictions against mass surveillance.

This is an area where Christensen could potentially build coalitions extending from civil-liberties progressives to constitutional conservatives.

The Fourth Amendment should not disappear simply because technology has made surveillance easier.

Christensen's position is essentially that constitutional protections must evolve with technology rather than be quietly erased by it.

That is not radical.

It is a modern application of an old American principle:

Government should need a legitimate legal reason before invading your private life.

A Stronger Second Amendment Position

Christensen's current platform firmly supports lawful firearm ownership, self-defense and opposition to government confiscation of firearms from lawful owners.

She also encourages firearm safety and responsible ownership.

Earlier campaign material contained language supporting stronger background checks, but Christensen subsequently removed that provision and explained that her position had evolved toward full support for the Second Amendment.

Political opponents may criticize a candidate for changing a position.

But there is another way to view it.

People reconsider issues.

They examine arguments.

They change their minds.

A politician willing to publicly acknowledge that evolution may actually be demonstrating something voters routinely say they want from elected officials: the ability to listen.

For Michigan gun owners who also care about privacy, government surveillance and individual autonomy, Christensen offers a civil-liberties argument extending well beyond a single constitutional amendment.

Healthcare Without Taking Away Your Existing Insurance

Christensen's healthcare proposal could become one of the defining features of her campaign.

She proposes Medicaid for All as a voluntary public option.

The key word is voluntary.

Under her proposal, Americans satisfied with employer-sponsored, union or private insurance could keep it.

Those wanting the public option could enroll.

That distinction matters.

Healthcare debates are frequently presented as a false choice between government-run healthcare and the existing private system.

Christensen is proposing competition between them.

Let the public option exist.

Let private insurance exist.

Then let Americans decide.

Her proposal includes income-based premiums, no deductibles and medically necessary healthcare including dental, vision, hearing, mental-health treatment, addiction services and long-term care.

Lower-income participants would pay no premium under the proposed structure.

The program would require extensive legislative drafting, actuarial analysis and a credible long-term financing structure.

But Christensen is at least attempting to confront a reality politicians from both parties have struggled to solve:

Healthcare can technically exist while remaining financially inaccessible.

Her proposal asks a distinctly libertarian question about a traditionally progressive idea:

Why shouldn't individuals have another choice?

If private insurance truly provides the superior product, it should be able to compete.

If a public option works better for another family, they should be allowed to choose it.

That combination of public access and individual choice deserves serious consideration.

An Upper Peninsula Voice on Rural Healthcare

Christensen also brings something Michigan's Senate delegation badly needs: sustained attention to rural communities.

Healthcare policy designed around metropolitan Detroit does not necessarily work in Ironwood, Ontonagon, Escanaba or communities scattered across the Upper Peninsula.

Insurance means little if the nearest specialist is hours away.

Christensen's platform specifically includes mental-health services and addiction treatment, two areas where rural access can be particularly difficult.

Her own birth story underscores the issue.

The Upper Peninsula should not be treated as an afterthought in statewide politics.

A Christensen Senate campaign forces rural healthcare, infrastructure, transportation and economic development into a conversation often dominated by Michigan's population centers.

Protecting Social Security While Giving Workers More Control

Christensen's Social Security proposal is another example of her willingness to challenge conventional political assumptions.

She says benefits should be protected for Americans who have paid into the system.

But she also proposes giving workers greater control over future employee contributions.

Workers could continue participating traditionally or retain their employee contribution for personal spending, saving or retirement investment.

Employers would continue making contributions regardless of the employee's decision.

Christensen also proposes extending employer contributions beyond the existing wage cap and maintaining a minimum benefit for workers choosing the alternative arrangement.

Importantly, her platform calls for an independent actuarial review before full implementation.

That safeguard matters.

Social Security reform cannot responsibly be based on ideology alone.

Millions of Americans depend upon it.

Christensen's proposal deserves rigorous examination, but she is attempting something Washington routinely avoids: discussing whether younger workers can receive greater control without abandoning promises made to existing retirees.

Putting Working Michiganders First

Christensen supports raising the federal minimum wage to $15 and indexing it to inflation.

She also proposes eliminating federal income taxes on earnings below $150,000.

That would represent an enormous restructuring of federal taxation and would require a detailed explanation of revenue replacement.

But the political philosophy behind it is unmistakable:

Working Americans should keep more of the money they earn.

Christensen also supports eliminating tariffs, arguing that consumers ultimately bear much of their cost through higher prices.

At the same time, she supports stronger legal protections for peaceful labor activity, including sympathy and secondary strikes.

That combination makes her difficult to categorize.

She isn't asking workers to choose between keeping more of their paycheck and having bargaining power.

She supports both.

Michigan has one of America's deepest labor and manufacturing traditions.

A candidate attempting to combine entrepreneurship, lower taxation on workers and stronger bargaining freedom could find an audience far beyond traditional Libertarian voters.

Making Michigan a Place Where Businesses Can Build Again

Christensen also understands that prosperity requires businesses willing to invest.

She supports occupational-license reciprocity across state lines, streamlined federal manufacturing permits and reduced barriers to emerging industries such as hemp.

License reciprocity could particularly benefit workers who already possess professional qualifications but move between states.

Why should someone competent to perform a job in Wisconsin suddenly become incompetent after crossing into Michigan?

Christensen's approach reflects an important economic principle:

Government should protect the public without unnecessarily preventing people from earning a living.

Faster permitting could similarly help manufacturers and technology companies make investment decisions without spending years navigating bureaucracy.

Michigan once became an industrial powerhouse because people built things here.

Christensen wants that entrepreneurial instinct restored.

Tackling Michigan's Housing Problem From Both Directions

Christensen's housing proposals also resist simplistic answers.

She recognizes that housing affordability is fundamentally connected to supply.

If communities prevent new housing from being built, prices eventually reflect that scarcity.

She therefore supports incentives encouraging multifamily housing, smaller-scale development, manufactured homes and modular construction.

She also supports licensing reciprocity for construction trades.

At the same time, Christensen recognizes that simply constructing additional homes does not immediately help someone sleeping in a shelter, vehicle or on the street.

Her rapid-rehousing proposals combine landlord participation, tax incentives, income-based tenant contributions and assistance involving employment or treatment when necessary.

The objective is not permanent dependency.

It is stability.

Help people regain housing.

Help them regain employment.

Help them regain independence.

That is entirely consistent with Christensen's larger political philosophy.

Freedom means very little when someone has no realistic pathway back onto their feet.

A Michigan Energy Strategy Built Around Competition and Innovation

Christensen supports equal tax treatment for competing energy technologies, faster renewable-energy connections to the electrical grid and nuclear licensing reform while maintaining safety standards.

She also supports expanding electricity choice in Michigan.

Her approach is refreshingly technology-neutral.

Instead of government deciding that one energy source must win, Christensen wants competition and innovation to help determine the outcome.

Nuclear power, renewables and emerging technologies can all potentially play roles.

What matters is reliability, affordability and environmental responsibility.

For Michigan manufacturers and technology companies, electricity prices can determine whether expansion occurs here or somewhere else.

Christensen understands that energy policy is economic policy.

Standing Up for the Great Lakes

Christensen's opposition to Line 5 is among her strongest environmental positions.

She supports decommissioning the existing pipelines and opposes the proposed replacement tunnel beneath the Straits of Mackinac.

Michigan possesses something most states can only envy: the Great Lakes.

They are not merely scenery.

They are drinking water, fisheries, tourism, transportation, recreation and an irreplaceable part of Michigan's identity.

Christensen's position also reflects tribal treaty concerns.

Importantly, she acknowledges that shutting down existing infrastructure requires realistic alternatives, particularly for communities dependent upon propane.

That makes the issue more complicated than a campaign slogan.

But Christensen's underlying argument is compelling:

Some resources are too important to gamble with.

Michigan can build new infrastructure.

It cannot build another Lake Michigan.

Taking Tribal Sovereignty Seriously

Christensen's platform on tribal sovereignty is unusually detailed for a statewide candidate.

She supports stronger protection of treaty commitments, fishing and harvesting rights, sacred lands and co-governance agreements.

Her position recognizes something Washington has repeatedly failed to respect throughout American history:

Treaties are not symbolic gestures.

They are legal commitments.

Christensen wants tribal nations treated as actual governmental partners where agreements require it rather than simply another interest group invited to submit comments after decisions have effectively been made.

That distinction matters.

Consultation is not the same as consent.

Listening is not the same as honoring an agreement.

Christensen wants those commitments to survive changes in presidential administrations.

Personal Liberty Means Personal Liberty

Christensen's social platform follows the same principle she applies to guns, privacy and surveillance:

Government should have a compelling reason before interfering with peaceful adults.

She supports marriage equality and LGBTQIA+ civil-rights protections.

She supports individualized military readiness standards rather than categorical exclusion based solely upon gender identity.

She supports federal cannabis legalization and legalization of psilocybin.

She favors decriminalizing consensual adult sex work while maintaining aggressive enforcement against trafficking, exploitation and crimes involving minors.

Not every Michigan voter will agree with every position.

But Christensen's philosophical consistency deserves recognition.

Her basic test is whether someone is harming another person.

Where there is coercion, exploitation or violence, government has a legitimate role.

Where peaceful adults are making decisions about their own lives, government should exercise considerably more restraint.

Due Process Should Apply to Everyone

Christensen's immigration platform similarly begins with constitutional principles.

She emphasizes due process for people physically present in the United States regardless of citizenship.

She opposes detention without appropriate due process and wants to restrict extraordinary inland border-search authority.

She has also supported abolishing ICE, which would require Congress to determine how necessary immigration-enforcement responsibilities would be transferred or reorganized.

Whatever voters think of that proposal, Christensen raises an important constitutional issue.

Government power is easiest to expand when exercised against unpopular or politically vulnerable groups.

But once extraordinary powers become normalized, they rarely remain confined to their original targets.

Christensen's position is that constitutional restraints matter most when government claims it has a compelling reason to ignore them.

A Foreign Policy That Demands Accountability

Christensen's foreign-policy philosophy is similarly skeptical of concentrated government power.

She opposes military interventions lacking defined objectives, realistic exit strategies and a genuine connection to American national security.

She wants Congress to reclaim its constitutional responsibility over war.

That position could resonate with libertarians, traditional conservatives, independents and anti-war progressives alike.

Christensen also takes a particularly strong position regarding American military assistance to Israel.

She says she would oppose continued military assistance until independent verification of compliance with the Genocide Convention and unrestricted humanitarian access to Gaza.

She supports enforcement of the Leahy Law and recorded congressional votes on major weapons transfers.

Whatever one's position on the Israel-Gaza conflict, Christensen's larger principle deserves consideration:

American military assistance should not operate on autopilot.

Members of Congress should have to vote.

They should have to explain those votes.

And voters should know exactly where their representatives stand.

Bringing Human Accountability to Artificial Intelligence

Christensen's technology background could prove especially valuable in the Senate as artificial intelligence becomes increasingly integrated into government and military systems.

She supports requiring human authorization for lethal-force decisions involving AI.

That should not be controversial.

Machines can process information.

Machines can identify patterns.

Machines can make recommendations.

But when a decision involves taking a human life, Christensen believes an identifiable human being must remain responsible.

Her platform also calls for protecting contractors who maintain safety safeguards and requiring disclosure when agencies seek weaker privacy protections or human oversight.

The principle is simple:

Technology should enhance human decision-making, not become a mechanism for escaping human accountability.

Breaking the Two-Party Political Monopoly

Perhaps no issue better explains Christensen's candidacy than election reform.

She supports ranked-choice voting and opposes federal attempts to prohibit states from adopting it.

For independent and third-party candidates, the current system creates an enormous structural disadvantage.

Voters routinely hear the same warning:

"Don't vote for the candidate you actually prefer because you'll help elect the candidate you dislike."

Ranked-choice voting can reduce that pressure.

Voters can rank candidates according to preference rather than attempting to predict everyone else's vote.

For Christensen, that isn't simply election reform.

It is political competition.

Republicans and Democrats compete vigorously against each other while benefiting enormously from a system making it exceptionally difficult for anyone else to compete against them.

A Libertarian candidate challenging that arrangement has every reason to make election reform a central issue.

What Could Lydia Christensen Actually Bring to Washington?

No senator walks into Washington and implements an entire platform.

Christensen wouldn't either.

Legislation requires votes.

Committees matter.

Coalitions matter.

Compromise matters.

But an independent-minded senator can still change the conversation.

Christensen could potentially find Republican allies on surveillance reform, gun rights, regulatory reform and permitting.

She could potentially find Democratic allies on healthcare, labor rights, civil liberties and environmental protection.

She could find libertarian and bipartisan support for war-powers reform, privacy protections and limits on executive authority.

That could make her political independence an asset rather than a liability.

A senator who doesn't owe automatic allegiance to either party has something increasingly rare in Washington:

The freedom to say no to both of them.

Michigan Voters Should Take Lydia Christensen Seriously

Lydia Christensen is not running a conventional campaign.

Good.

Washington has enough conventional politicians.

Her platform won't please every Republican.

It won't please every Democrat.

It won't even please every Libertarian.

That may be one of the strongest arguments for taking her seriously.

She represents a political philosophy that refuses to accept the artificial choice between economic opportunity and individual liberty.

She believes Americans can defend the Second Amendment while demanding Fourth Amendment privacy.

She believes workers can have bargaining power while entrepreneurs have room to build businesses.

She believes Americans can have another healthcare option without government taking away private insurance.

She believes Michigan can develop new industries without treating the Great Lakes as expendable.

She believes technological progress does not require surrendering privacy.

And she believes members of Congress should answer to the Constitution and their constituents rather than blindly following political parties.

There are legitimate questions Christensen will have to answer during this campaign.

Some of her proposals require considerably more financial detail.

Some would require major federal legislation.

Others would encounter enormous political resistance.

But those are reasons to debate her ideas—not reasons to ignore them.

For decades, voters have been told that politics offers only two realistic choices.

Christensen's campaign challenges that assumption.

And perhaps that challenge itself is valuable.

Michigan is a state of autoworkers and entrepreneurs, union families and gun owners, cities and farms, technology companies and small manufacturers, Democrats, Republicans and millions of people who don't fit comfortably into either category.

Lydia Christensen's political philosophy is similarly difficult to put inside one box.

That could be exactly what makes her candidacy relevant.

She isn't asking Michigan voters to agree with a political party on everything.

She is asking them to examine each issue, defend individual liberty, demand accountability and consider whether Washington might work differently if voters occasionally sent someone there who wasn't part of the system that created its problems.

In an era of bitter polarization and declining faith in America's political institutions, that message deserves more than a footnote in the 2026 election.

Lydia Christensen deserves to be heard, debated and taken seriously as a candidate for the United States Senate from Michigan.

And for Michigan voters searching for something beyond another Republican-versus-Democrat election, she may offer something even more important:

a genuine third choice.

Detroit Attorney Disbarred After $659,821 Settlement Meant for Bereaved Family Went Missing

 

A decade after losing her 3-year-old daughter, Tabatha Kerr is still trying to get answers. Now she is also seeking to learn what happened to nearly $660,000 intended for her family from a wrongful-death settlement.

Detroit attorney Gregory Rohl, who handled the case, was disbarred effective Oct. 1 and ordered to pay $659,821.44 in restitution, along with $1,446.14 in costs. In the attorney-discipline matter, Rohl pleaded no contest to misappropriating settlement funds and failing to distribute court-ordered shares.

The ruling said his conduct brought the legal profession into disrepute and violated standards of justice and honesty.

Kerr described the past nine years as lonely, stressful and hollow. Her daughter, Lilliana, died on Jan. 20, 2017, when a 350-pound cafeteria table fell from its wall casing at a Head Start program in Dearborn Heights. Lilliana’s twin sister and older brother survived her.

Kerr says the settlement was meant to help her children, but the money never reached them. She has continued to press for accountability over her daughter’s death while raising her surviving children. Her son is now 19, and Lilliana’s twin is 13.

Rohl says others were involved

Rohl said he is recovering from a stroke and has not knowingly taken money from a client. He said a deceased law partner and office manager took control


of the firm while he was receiving medical treatment. According to Rohl, he later learned that money remained in his trust account and had not been transferred as intended.

He also pointed to a probate attorney who, he said, had been appointed to secure the remaining funds for the children. Rohl said a civil lawsuit against the former office manager was dismissed on statute-of-limitations grounds, and he has agreed to a consent judgment against himself and his firm. He said the matter is ongoing and that any money recovered from others should offset what he owes.

The disciplinary ruling, however, holds Rohl responsible for the loss because the trust account was in his name.

A long campaign for school safety

Since Lilliana’s death, Kerr has become an advocate for changes to school safety requirements. She is pushing for legislation known as Lilliana’s Law, which would require annual health and safety inspections at public and private schools and create a statewide registry of school safety incidents.

The current proposal would require school boards to inspect their facilities for health and safety violations. Kerr has testified in Lansing, gathered nearly 32,300 petition signatures and assembled a 510-page research book on hazards in schools.

She says the goal is to give schools a clearer framework for identifying risks and preventing injuries and deaths. Her friends say they have watched her turn grief into a sustained effort to protect other children.

For Kerr, the missing settlement has added another painful battle to a loss that remains part of daily life. She says she promised Lilliana she would keep fighting—and intends to continue until she gets answers for her children.

Thursday, October 22, 2026

Mai Xiong Faces Questions Over Her Home, a Fraud-Related Judgment and Her Calls for Accountability





Materials circulated by Michigan Republican Party Grassroots Vice Chairman Long bring renewed attention to a reported $2.4 million civil judgment involving Xiong’s property. The lawmaker has condemned his alleged racist attacks, while questions about the financial case remain unresolved.

State Rep. Mai Xiong is calling for accountability over campaign activity involving Republican U.S. Senate candidate Mike Rogers. At the same time, materials attributed to Michigan Republican Party Grassroots Vice Chairman Chris Long have renewed attention to a financial controversy involving her Warren home.

The documents and news reports describe a civil judgment connected to efforts to recover money from an investment fraud scheme operated by Xiong’s sister, Kay Yang. Federal regulators secured substantial judgments against Yang, while separate Wisconsin litigation reportedly included Xiong and her property.

Xiong has denied receiving money or property from her sister or the other defendants. That denial is an essential part of the story. So is the reported judgment, along with the question of what happened after Xiong said she intended to challenge it.

Her October 22, 2026, statement forcefully condemned Long’s alleged attacks on her ethnicity, loyalty and family. But it did not explain how her home was financed or provide an update on the Wisconsin case. Those financial questions deserve answers supported by records, just as her accusations against Long deserve examination in their full context.

According to an August 5, 2024, report by The Detroit News, Xiong purchased her Warren home for $310,000 in May 2021. The newspaper reported that the purchase occurred approximately one month after investors filed a Wisconsin lawsuit against Yang seeking to recover money lost through her financial dealings.

A subsequent lawsuit identified Xiong’s home among eight properties allegedly purchased with money connected to Yang’s operation. The plaintiffs accused Yang of transferring funds to relatives and associates to prevent creditors from collecting what they were owed.

The newspaper reported that a Wisconsin judge entered a roughly $2.4 million default judgment against 13 defendants, including Xiong, in September 2022 and imposed liens on the identified properties.

That placed Xiong’s connection to the case beyond a general question about her sister’s conduct. According to the reporting, she was a named defendant, and her property was included in the recovery effort.

Xiong denied receiving money or property from the defendants and said she was working to vacate the judgment as it applied to her and her home. However, the newspaper’s review raised questions about the steps she had taken.

Court records showed that Xiong acknowledged service of the lawsuit on August 31, 2022. As of the newspaper’s August 2024 report, it found no filings in which she disputed the allegations or sought to vacate the judgment.

That gap between her stated intentions and the filings described by the newspaper warrants a clear explanation. A default judgment does not establish that every allegation was tested at a contested trial, but saying a judgment will be challenged does not establish that it has been overturned.

The material reviewed does not confirm whether the judgment or lien has since been modified, satisfied or vacated. Its present status therefore remains an important unanswered question.

The federal record concerning Yang is more extensive. In May 2023, the Securities and Exchange Commission announced default judgments against Yang and Xapphire LLC following an investment operation that targeted members of the Hmong-American community.

According to the SEC’s account of the court’s findings, Yang offered investments through businesses she owned and promised annual returns of 20% to 50%. She presented her foreign exchange trading as consistently successful, even though substantial losses occurred and less than half of investors’ contributions went into that trading.

Approximately $4.06 million was misappropriated for personal and family spending, including casinos, travel, homes and vehicles, as well as payments to investors in an earlier venture. The court ordered approximately $4.06 million in disgorgement, an equal civil penalty and prejudgment interest.

Yang was also barred from serving as an officer or director of a public company. Her husband, Chao Yang, faced a separate repayment order as a relief defendant.

A separate Commodity Futures Trading Commission proceeding produced another substantial judgment in June 2023. Yang and her companies were ordered to pay approximately $13.69 million in restitution and $10.39 million in civil penalties.

The CFTC reported that the court found the operation collected at least $15.7 million from approximately 67 individuals or entities, most of them members of Wisconsin’s Hmong community. At least $4.8 million was misappropriated, including nearly $1.4 million spent at casinos and on luxury hotels and cars.

These were civil enforcement judgments involving overlapping conduct and different remedies. The awards cannot simply be added together and presented as a single amount stolen. They also cannot be described as federal awards owed personally by Mai Xiong.

Further examination of Yang’s record uncovered a later criminal conviction involving property filings. A February 13, 2026, federal court order recounts that a Wisconsin jury found her guilty on four counts of criminal slander of title on April 17, 2025. She was sentenced that June.

February 2026 reporting by Tom Daykin described a three-year prison sentence arising from false filings, including a purported $4 million lien against Yang’s former home.

Yang challenged the conviction. Her February 2026 federal habeas proceeding was dismissed without prejudice because she had not exhausted available state remedies. That dismissal concerned the procedure for pursuing relief; it did not decide the merits of her challenge.

The conviction adds a significant development to Yang’s legal history. It remains a conviction of Yang, however, and supplies no basis for portraying Xiong as criminally convicted or as a knowing participant in her sister’s investment scheme.

The materials also describe Yang’s connection to a separate financial controversy involving Hmong College Prep Academy in Minnesota.

An October 2021 federal court order documents how the school’s founder and superintendent, Christiana Hang, approached her friend Yang about potential investors or donors. Yang then contacted a Woodstock Capital principal. The court’s background account accepted the school’s allegations for purposes of deciding the motions before it.

According to the supplied reporting, Hang ultimately transferred $5 million in school funds to Woodstock, with approximately $700,000 remaining eighteen months later. The school alleged that its money had been stolen or badly managed, while Woodstock attributed the losses to investment timing during the coronavirus pandemic.

The reporting described the investment as violating state restrictions on school investments. It also said Hang and her husband, school chief operating officer Pao Yang, subsequently resigned with combined separation payments of $350,000.

At the time of that coverage, no criminal or civil enforcement charges had been filed in the school matter. That qualification must remain attached to its original reporting period.

Nothing reviewed places Mai Xiong in the school’s investment decision or establishes that she received school funds. The episode provides background about Kay Yang’s financial associations, but it does not independently establish wrongdoing by Xiong.

Meanwhile, investors continued pursuing assets associated with Yang. Daykin’s February 2026 reporting described Long and Miana Lee obtaining a Milwaukee office building through a court-ordered transfer and later pursuing plans to convert it into an events venue.

The building had been used by Enduring Love International Center, a church where Yang was a member. Its transfer illustrates the practical challenge facing investors: obtaining a judgment and recovering money are separate battles. The CFTC itself warned that repayment orders cannot guarantee recovery when defendants lack sufficient assets.

Against that financial backdrop, Xiong’s October 22 statement addressed the increasingly personal political confrontation with Long.

She said the dispute followed her request for an investigation and oversight hearing into potentially unlawful campaign activity. According to her account, Long called her a “Chinese Communist Party Asset” and referred to her deceased parents, sister and entire family as “scumbags.”

The complete original exchange was not supplied, so the wording and context of those remarks remain attributed to Xiong.

In her response, she described herself as a Hmong American born in a refugee camp in Thailand and a Warren resident of 23 years. She said her father fought alongside American soldiers in Laos during the Vietnam War and argued that her family’s history should not be weaponized against her.

“Asian Americans should not be asked to repeatedly prove our loyalty to a country we call home,” she wrote.

Xiong called on the Michigan Republican Party to condemn Long’s actions and rejected attacks based on race or immigrant background. The materials reviewed provide no evidence that she is an asset of the Chinese Communist Party. Scrutiny of her property and finances must rest on financial and legal records.

Her statement also defended the campaign oversight request that she said preceded the confrontation. Reporting corroborates that Kristi Rogers, Mike Rogers’ wife, distributed $10 gas cards at a Detroit Freedom Fuel station on October 14 while promoting her husband’s proposal to suspend the state gas tax.

Xiong questioned whether the activity violated election law and called for an oversight hearing. The material reviewed contains no official finding establishing that a violation occurred.

“Despite these attacks, I will not be intimidated or silenced for questions I raised about the Rogers’ campaign,” she wrote.

Her demand for oversight establishes a reasonable principle: financial activity involving political figures deserves examination when legitimate questions arise. That principle applies equally to the reported judgment involving her property.

A complete public accounting would include the records explaining her home’s financing, her response to the Wisconsin lawsuit and any subsequent order modifying or vacating the judgment. Long should likewise provide the complete exchange underlying Xiong’s accusations and clearly distinguish established findings from his own claims.

The available record supports serious scrutiny of Xiong’s property and her handling of the litigation. It does not establish that she operated her sister’s scheme or knowingly participated in fraud.

Xiong’s denial and the reported judgment remain in tension. Resolving that tension requires the current court record and a documented explanation of the transaction. For an elected official who is publicly demanding accountability from others, providing that explanation is a fair expectation.

Tuesday, October 20, 2026

Judge Andrew Napolitano Backs El-Sayed, Blasts Rogers Over War, Surveillance and the Constitution

 

Retired judge and Newsmax legal analyst Andrew Napolitano is urging Michigan voters to support Democrat Abdul El-Sayed for the U.S. Senate, delivering a sharp rebuke of Republican Mike Rogers over war, government surveillance and constitutional rights.

In an interview clip released Monday by Katie Halper, Napolitano made his preference unmistakable: “If I were in Michigan — no question in my mind — I would vote for El-Sayed.” He also encouraged Michigan voters to support the Democrat.

The endorsement crosses a substantial ideological divide. Napolitano acknowledged that he would likely oppose El-Sayed on taxation and property issues. But he said their agreement on civil liberties and war outweighed those differences.

His criticism of Rogers was considerably harsher. Napolitano called the Trump-backed Republican a “two-bit thug,” accusing him of supporting war and intrusive surveillance while disregarding constitutional protections. Those descriptions were Napolitano’s political judgments. 

The remarks place constitutional limits on government at the center of Napolitano’s endorsement. His stated reasoning was that disagreements over economic policy mattered less to him than the candidates’ approaches to military power and individual freedom.

For El-Sayed, the endorsement offers support from a commentator whose audience extends beyond Democratic politics. For Rogers, it represents criticism from a prominent legal voice appearing on a network closely associated with conservative viewers.

Napolitano’s message was direct: on the issues he considers most consequential in this race, he trusts El-Sayed more than Rogers.

Sunday, October 18, 2026

The Last Carving: Sign of the Beefcarver’s Reported Closing Would End a Woodward Tradition Nearly 70 Years in the Making

 

ROYAL OAK, Michigan — For generations of Metro Detroit families, Sign of the Beefcarver offered a familiar comfort: a tray sliding along a cafeteria line, roast beef carved to order, mashed potatoes and gravy, and a slice of pie waiting at the end.

Now, the restaurant that outlasted the rest of its chain is reportedly preparing to serve its final meals.

A farewell statement attributed to the owners says the last Sign of the Beefcarver, on Woodward Avenue in Royal Oak, will close Sunday, October 25. The statement cites rising food costs, particularly roast beef, continuing financial losses and difficulties recovering from the pandemic.

If the closing proceeds as announced, it will bring an end to a restaurant tradition dating to 1957—and to a business that survived expansion, corporate ownership, a trademark battle and a devastating fire.

A Familiar Place Along Woodward

The original restaurant opened in November 1957 on the east side of Woodward, north of Eleven Mile Road, under the name Sign of the Beefeater.

Its formula was straightforward: serve substantial, familiar meals in a welcoming colonial setting, with cafeteria efficiency and a personal touch. Customers selected their food along the serving line, then staff helped carry their trays to the table.

Hand-carved beef, homemade soups, vegetables, baked goods and classic desserts became its trademarks. A fireplace and colonial furnishings gave the place a character somewhere between a cafeteria and a family dining room.

There was no need to study an unfamiliar menu or wonder what kind of experience awaited inside. The appeal rested in knowing.

For customers who first visited with parents or grandparents, returning could mean revisiting a family ritual as much as ordering dinner.

From One Restaurant to a Regional Chain

Founded by Jack Joliat and Bob LaJoie, the business grew from its Royal Oak beginnings into a recognizable regional chain. Two additional restaurants opened in 1966, and by 1972 there were eight Metro Detroit locations.

That year, Montgomery Ward acquired the company. Under the department store retailer’s ownership, eight more restaurants were added, including four in the Chicago area.

Expansion brought the concept to more customers, but the original Woodward location remained the place where its story began. The Royal Oak Historical Society identifies it as the city’s oldest restaurant.

The Name Changed, but the Roast Beef Stayed

The transition from Beefeater to Beefcarver resulted from a trademark dispute with the company behind Beefeater Gin.

The dispute culminated in a judgment requiring a new name, and the restaurant became Sign of the Beefcarver in 1979. Around the same period, Montgomery Ward exited the business, and a management group led by Joliat reacquired the chain. The Chicago restaurants were closed as the company refocused on Metro Detroit.

For longtime customers, the new name did little to alter the restaurant’s identity. The carving station, comfort food and colonial atmosphere remained the heart of the experience.

A Fire Nearly Ended the Original

On December 9, 1984, a major fire severely damaged the Royal Oak restaurant.

The owners rebuilt, and the restaurant reopened in September 1985. For the original location, it was a second beginning—one that allowed another generation of customers to discover the business.

The rebuilding also became part of its larger story of endurance. A restaurant that could have disappeared in the mid-1980s instead remained on Woodward for decades afterward.

The Chain Shrinks to Its Starting Point

Eventually, declining business and changing dining habits took their toll on the chain.

The Dearborn restaurant’s closure in June 2018 left Royal Oak as the final location. Dearborn had operated on Michigan Avenue since 1967; contemporary reporting cited declining sales and the sale of its building for redevelopment.

The chain’s history had come full circle. Its first restaurant was now its last.

For the following years, the Woodward location carried the entire Beefcarver tradition: the food, the familiar service and the memories attached to restaurants that had already disappeared.

Owners Cite Costs and Pandemic Aftereffects

In the farewell statement provided for this article, the owners describe a business that can no longer absorb its operating losses while keeping meals affordable.

They point particularly to the price of roast beef—the product central to both the menu and the restaurant’s name. They also attribute the restaurant’s struggles to pandemic shutdowns, difficulty attracting customers afterward and government policies they consider burdensome.

Those explanations represent the owners’ account. The statement does not include financial records or identify the specific government policies involved.

Its central message, however, is clear: the owners say the balance between operating costs and the value they want to offer customers has become unsustainable.

“We sincerely THANK YOU FOR SEVENTY YEARS of loyal and faithful support for The Beefcarver!” the statement reads.

The owners also express the hope that the restaurant has given families years of happy meals and memories.

Although the statement describes 70 years of operation, the November 1957 opening places the restaurant just short of its 69th anniversary this October—nearly seven decades of history.

More Than a Final Meal

A restaurant’s closing can be measured in sales, expenses and the number of locations remaining. Its place in a community is harder to calculate.

At Sign of the Beefcarver, that place was built through repetition: the same trip along Woodward, the same favorite entrée, the same decision over dessert, the same familiar surroundings.

Its reported closing would mean losing one more place where Metro Detroit’s past remained part of everyday life.

For customers planning a farewell visit, the statement identifies Sunday, October 25, as the intended final day at 27400 Woodward Avenue in Royal Oak. Customers should confirm plans directly with the restaurant at 248-546-7888.

For nearly seven decades, families came through its doors for dinner. What many will remember longest is who sat across the table.




Saturday, October 17, 2026

Great Lakes Hold On to Summer’s Warmth as Michigan Moves Deeper Into Fall

 

All five lakes are warmer than average, helping soften shoreline cold snaps and providing moisture for autumn rain showers.

October 17, 2026

Fall has arrived across Michigan, but the Great Lakes are still carrying some of summer’s heat.

All five lakes have surface temperatures above their long-term averages for mid-October, according to NOAA data. Lake Michigan stands out at approximately 6 degrees above normal, while Superior, Huron, Erie and Ontario are each roughly 4 degrees warmer than average.

That lingering warmth can influence the weather well beyond the beaches. It can moderate temperatures in shoreline communities, help generate lake-effect rain and, eventually, provide energy for lake-effect snow when sufficiently cold air arrives.

For now, however, warm water alone does not signal an approaching snow outbreak.

How Much Warmer Are the Lakes?

Pockets of Water Remain in the 60s

Some of the most striking readings are the actual surface temperatures still being observed in parts of the lakes.

Southern Lake Michigan has areas near 65 degrees, while portions of northern Lake Michigan remain around 60 degrees. In Lake Erie, some surface water is still approximately 67 degrees.

Those are local readings, rather than averages for each entire lake. Temperatures vary considerably across these enormous bodies of water.

LocationReported surface temperature
Portions of Lake ErieAbout 67°F
Southern Lake MichiganAbout 65°F
Northern Lake MichiganAbout 60°F

The readings illustrate how much warmth remains stored in the water even as shorter days and cooler nights push Michigan further into autumn.

The Lakes Took Different Paths to October

The current warmth did not develop at the same time everywhere.

Lake Superior spent much of the year on the colder side of normal. Its surface temperatures remained below average through winter, spring and summer before moving above normal around August 31.

Lake Michigan crossed above average near the end of June and has generally remained there. Lake Huron also warmed above normal following June’s early-summer heat.

By mid-October, all five lakes were showing the lingering effects of the warm season.

Still, above average does not mean record-breaking. The supplied report identifies October 15, 2021, as warmer across all five lakes. This year’s readings are elevated, but they do not establish new records for that date.




What This Means for Michigan’s Fall Weather

For communities near the shoreline, warmer water can take some of the edge off an autumn cold snap.

Water releases stored heat gradually. When colder air moves across a relatively warm lake, that heat can help keep nearby locations milder than they otherwise would be. The effect depends on wind direction and the movement of the colder air.

The same temperature contrast can also encourage lake-effect rain. As chilly air passes over warmer water, it picks up heat and moisture, helping clouds and showers develop downwind.

That is one reason Michigan can experience unsettled, showery weather around the lakes even after a broader storm system has moved away.

Could the Warm Water Mean Heavier Snow Later?

It could contribute—but only when the atmosphere supplies the other necessary ingredients.

Relatively warm, open water can support substantial lake-effect snow when sufficiently cold air passes overhead. Wind direction, available moisture and how long the pattern lasts also help determine where snow develops and how much falls.

Warm lakes are a potential fuel source, not a winter forecast.

The report does not identify an imminent heavy lake-effect snow setup. For Michigan residents, the immediate effects are more closely tied to moderated shoreline temperatures and autumn rain showers.

Summer’s influence is fading on land. Across the Great Lakes, it is taking longer to let go.

 

Friday, October 16, 2026

Jocelyn Benson’s Data-Center Hypocrisy Demands Answers

 

Benson now promises strict rules for data centers. But when a company employing her husband pushed a project in Saline Township, local officials rejected it—and the development moved forward after the company sued.

Jocelyn Benson wants Michigan voters to believe she will stand up to data-center developers. She says she would impose a moratorium until the state adopts rules for public hearings, transparency, environmental protections, and electricity costs.

Then comes the question her campaign cannot bury: Why should Michigan trust her to enforce rules she is only demanding now, after a company employing her husband helped push a controversial project past a community’s rejection?

Ryan Friedrichs, Benson’s husband, was a senior executive at Related Companies and worked on the Saline Township data-center project. He appeared before local officials for the developer. In September 2025, the township board voted 4–1 against the rezoning required for the project. Related Digital sued days later. The township then reached a settlement that allowed the project to proceed.

That is the record: elected local officials said no; the developer sued; and the project moved ahead through a settlement. Residents were heard, but they did not get the result their board’s vote called for.

Benson now says Michigan needs open negotiations and transparency to prevent backroom deals. Those principles sound compelling in a campaign speech. They sound considerably less convincing when a company tied to her household was pressing ahead with a project after local officials rejected it.

The connections raise an obvious ethical cloud. Friedrichs worked for the company advancing the project. Stephen Ross, Related Companies’ founder, previously employed Benson as CEO of the Ross Initiative in Sports for Equality and has contributed to her campaigns. That does not prove a quid pro quo or establish that Benson intervened in the Saline project. It does make the public entitled to demand more than a carefully worded denial.

Benson’s financial disclosure lists $370,000 in income for Friedrichs from his employer. That is not proof of a project commission, and it should not be portrayed as $370,000 paid by the data center. But it is a substantial household income from the company whose project he worked on. Related Companies has said Friedrichs received no commission from the project; Bridge Michigan found no evidence he stood to make millions. Those facts limit what can responsibly be claimed. They do not make the underlying relationship disappear.

Benson’s campaign says Friedrichs is no longer working on Michigan data-center projects, has recused himself from state-related work that could come before a Benson administration, and that Benson herself had no role in authorizing or developing the Saline project. The project advanced under Gov. Gretchen Whitmer’s administration. But “I wasn’t the decision-maker” is not a satisfying answer to a candidate now asking voters to trust her judgment on the same industry that employed her husband.

The real issue is not whether Benson personally signed a permit. It is whether she applies one standard to politically connected insiders and another to everyone else. Her husband helped advance the project. Her former professional benefactor founded the company behind it and donated to her campaigns. The township rejected the project, then faced a lawsuit and settled.

Now Benson says future developers must negotiate openly, respect communities, and meet strict conditions. Where was that standard when her husband’s employer was making its case in Saline?

Voters should not accept campaign promises as proof of accountability. They should demand clear answers: What did Benson know about Friedrichs’s role, and when? What steps did she take to avoid conflicts? Why should residents believe her proposed guardrails will bind powerful developers when the Saline project advanced despite the local board’s rejection?

The public record does not establish a kickback or prove Benson intervened. It does establish enough overlapping relationships and enough political double talk to make this a serious credibility problem. Benson wants to write the rules for data centers. Before Michigan hands her that power, she should explain why her own household’s connections to this project did not require stronger safeguards from the start.

The project’s critics have collected documents and links at Data Center Darlings. Readers should also examine the township records, independent reporting, and Benson’s response.

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