Showing posts with label Michigan politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Michigan politics. Show all posts

Wednesday, November 4, 2026

Michigan Turns Blue at the Top as Benson Wins Governor’s Race and Democrats Claim Return to Power in Lansing

 



LANSING, Mich. — Democrats swept Michigan’s leading statewide executive races in Tuesday’s election, with Jocelyn Benson winning the governorship, Garlin Gilchrist II capturing secretary of state and Eli Savit winning attorney general.

Democrats also retained control of the state Senate and declared victory in their effort to reclaim the state House, positioning the party to restore unified control of Michigan government. Legislative results remained incomplete Wednesday morning, however, and the available seat counts did not yet provide a final breakdown of either chamber.

Across Michigan’s 13 congressional districts, Democrats had secured six seats and Republicans four, while three competitive contests remained without a confirmed call in the results reviewed.

All vote totals below are unofficial and reflect Wednesday-morning updates.

Benson defeats James for governor

Benson led Republican John James by 501,801 votes, receiving 2,572,776 votes, or 54.5%, to James’ 2,070,975 votes, or 43.8%. Approximately 96% of the estimated vote had been counted.

Libertarian Anthony Hudson received 0.9%, while U.S. Taxpayers candidate Donna Brandenburg and Green Party candidate Douglas Campbell each received 0.4%.

CBS News separately projected Benson’s victory, confirming that Michigan’s outgoing secretary of state had won the contest for governor.

Her victory gives Democrats continued control of the governor’s office and, if the party’s declared House victory holds, a renewed opportunity to advance legislation through both chambers.

Gilchrist wins secretary of state; Savit takes attorney general

Gilchrist defeated Republican Anthony G. Forlini in the secretary of state contest. The tally showed Gilchrist with 2,509,276 votes, or 53.7%, compared with Forlini’s 2,040,817 votes, or 43.6% — a lead of 468,459 votes.

In the attorney general race, Savit received 2,430,859 votes, or 52.4%, against Republican Doug Lloyd’s 2,079,170 votes, or 44.8%. Savit’s advantage stood at 351,689 votes.

Both Democratic victories were also projected by CBS News.

Together, the three statewide wins keep Michigan’s principal elected executive offices in Democratic hands.

Statewide officeWinnerPartyVote share
GovernorJocelyn BensonDemocratic54.5%
Secretary of stateGarlin Gilchrist IIDemocratic53.7%
Attorney generalEli SavitDemocratic52.4%

Democrats secure Senate majority; House victory declared as counting continues

The clearest legislative outcome was the state Senate, where Democrats had secured 21 seats and Republicans 14, with three contests outstanding.

Michigan’s 38-member Senate requires 20 seats for a majority. Democrats therefore had enough seats to control the chamber regardless of the remaining results.

The state House picture required more qualification. The available tally showed Democrats with 54 seats and Republicans with 43, leaving 13 unresolved. A majority in the 110-member House requires 56 seats.

ChamberDemocratic seats shownRepublican seats shownOutstandingControl
State Senate21143Democratic majority secured
State House544313Democratic victory reported; available tally still short of a majority

Michigan Advance reported Wednesday morning that Democrats had reclaimed the House and retained the Senate. Its accompanying numerical totals were also incomplete, so that report supports the announced outcome but does not establish a final chamber split.

Democrats were reported to have won control of both chambers, but 54–43 should not be presented as the final House result.

Several completed district counts illustrated Democratic gains. In House District 27, Jaime Churches defeated Republican incumbent Rylee Linting, 23,113 votes to 21,472. In District 28, Sherry Berecz defeated Republican incumbent Jamie Thompson, 20,928 to 20,204, with all precincts reporting in both contests.

In District 15, covering the Dearborn-area contest, Democrat Jalal Abdallah defeated Republican Hassan Nehme, 26,203 votes to 9,970, according to the reported complete precinct count.

In the Senate, completed precinct returns showed Democrat Carol Glanville defeating Republican incumbent Mark Huizenga in District 30, 76,081 votes to 62,625. Democrat Sean Carlson also finished ahead of Republican Ryan Berman in District 13, 71,577 to 63,379.

All 13 congressional races: Democratic gains possible as three contests remain unresolved

Michigan’s congressional results combined comfortable incumbent victories with three closely watched contests in Republican-held districts.

The district-by-district results below identify projected winners and distinguish them from candidates who were leading while counting continued. Percentages are rounded to whole numbers for consistency.

DistrictWinner or leading candidateMain opponentStatus
1Jack Bergman, Republican — 54%Callie Barr, Democrat — 44%Bergman reelected
2John Moolenaar, Republican — 61%Ben Ambrose, Democrat — 37%Moolenaar reelected
3Hillary Scholten, Democrat — 57%Terri DeBoer, Republican — 41%Scholten reelected
4Sean McCann, Democrat — 50%Bill Huizenga, Republican — 48%McCann leading; race uncalled
5Tim Walberg, Republican — 59%Christian Vukasovich, Democrat — 39%Walberg reelected
6Debbie Dingell, Democrat — 67%Heather Smiley, Republican — 30%Dingell reelected
7William Lawrence, Democrat — 51%Tom Barrett, Republican — 48%Lawrence leading; race uncalled
8Kristen McDonald Rivet, Democrat — 56%Thomas Smith, Republican — 42%McDonald Rivet reelected
9Lisa McClain, Republican — 63%Ray Pooley, Democrat — 35%McClain reelected
10Christina Bertrand Hines, Democrat — 52%Michael Bouchard, Republican — 46%Hines leading; race uncalled
11Jeremy Moss, Democrat — 61%Ethan Baker, Republican — 37%Moss elected
12Rashida Tlaib, Democrat — 76%James Hooper, Republican — 21%Tlaib reelected
13Donavan McKinney, Democrat — 77%T.P. Nykoriak, Republican — 20%McKinney elected

The unresolved contests in the 4th, 7th and 10th districts carried the greatest implications for the delegation’s partisan balance. All three seats were held by Republicans entering the election.

Hines and Lawrence declared victory early Wednesday, but those announcements were separate from an Associated Press race call. McCann also led Huizenga in the returns reviewed, with that contest still unresolved. 

With six Democratic victories and four Republican victories established, those three remaining races would determine the final composition of Michigan’s delegation. If Democrats maintained their leads in all three, they would hold nine seats to Republicans’ four.

Cavanagh and Hood win Supreme Court seats

Michigan Supreme Court incumbents Megan Kathleen Cavanagh and Noah P. Hood won the two seats being contested, preserving the court’s 6–1 majority of Democratic-nominated justices. Supreme Court candidates appear without party labels on the general-election ballot, although parties nominate them.

With approximately 81% of the estimated vote counted, the supplied results showed:

CandidateVotesShare of votes cast
Megan Kathleen Cavanagh — elected2,200,31634.1%
Noah P. Hood — elected1,900,71629.5%
Michael Warren885,41313.7%
Casandra Morse-Bills815,68012.7%
Jody White341,6625.3%

Because voters could select two candidates, those percentages represent shares of candidate votes, rather than the percentage of individual voters supporting each justice. The supplied image does not display every candidate’s total.

Voters reject constitutional convention, approve campaign-finance proposal

Michigan voters overwhelmingly rejected Proposal 1, the question of calling a state constitutional convention. The results showed “no” receiving 3,067,673 votes, or 73.8%, against 1,090,520 votes, or 26.2%, for “yes.”

Proposal 2, described on the results graphic as restricting utility and contractor contributions and expanding campaign-finance disclosure rules, passed with 3,435,147 votes, or 81.1%. Opposition totaled 802,414 votes, or 18.9%.

The statewide executive victories, continued Democratic Senate control and reported House takeover point toward a substantial shift in governing power in Lansing. The remaining legislative and congressional counts will determine the size of the party’s gains.

‘Absolutely Nowhere’: Hassan Nehme Unloads on Michigan GOP Over Leadership, Anti-Muslim Rhetoric

 


Republican state House candidate Hassan Nehme delivered a blistering rebuke of the Michigan Republican Party, accusing its leadership of abandoning his campaign while prioritizing internal power struggles over winning elections.

In a Facebook post, Nehme called the party “an absolute embarrassment” and argued that anti-Muslim rhetoric, ineffective leadership and an obsession with titles have undermined Republican efforts to reach voters.

Nehme, the Republican candidate for Michigan’s 15th House District, faced Democrat Jalal Hussein Abdallah in a district covering west Dearborn and Dearborn Heights. His criticism centered on what he described as a disconnect between the work expected of candidates and the support provided by Republican organizations.

He said he fought for votes in communities the party had alienated, only to find that the organizations he belonged to were unwilling to help.

“And where was the MIGOP? Absolutely fucking nowhere,” Nehme wrote.

A Rebuke From Inside the Party

Nehme’s criticism carried a personal dimension: He identified himself as a member of Republican executive committees and accused those organizations of finding money for candidates outside their districts while failing to support his campaign.

The post did not name the committees, identify specific contributions or provide financial records. His allegations nevertheless framed the dispute as an accountability problem within the party’s own structure.

Nehme described committees consumed by competition for chairmanships and influence, arguing that those ambitions had displaced basic campaign responsibilities: recruiting volunteers, knocking on doors, raising money and organizing voters.

“You can’t win elections sitting around congratulating yourselves for being Republicans,” he wrote.

Anti-Muslim Rhetoric and Missed Opportunities

Nehme placed anti-Muslim rhetoric at the center of his criticism, arguing that the party was damaging its prospects by alienating entire communities.

His accusation went beyond campaign funding. He portrayed the party’s outreach problems and organizational failures as interconnected: Candidates were being asked to earn trust in communities where the Republican brand had already created obstacles, without receiving the resources needed to overcome them.

The post did not identify particular statements or officials responsible for the rhetoric he condemned. Instead, it challenged the party’s broader direction and its willingness to compete for voters it has struggled to reach.

Opponent’s Disciplinary Case Added to His Frustration

Nehme also questioned why Republicans had failed to support him while his Democratic opponent faced disciplinary proceedings involving approximately $800,000 in client settlement funds.

The Detroit Free Press reported that the Michigan Attorney Grievance Commission filed a complaint alleging that Abdallah failed to distribute money owed to clients. His attorney, Philip Thomas, told the newspaper that all money owed to the clients had been repaid. The proceedings concerned professional misconduct allegations; the reporting cited here did not establish a final disciplinary ruling.

For Nehme, the proceedings represented another reason Republican organizations should have taken his campaign seriously. His assertion that he outperformed other Republicans in his area remains his assessment in the post; establishing that independently would require a comparison of completed election returns.

Hassan Nehme’s Full Facebook Post

The Michigan Republican Party is an absolute embarrassment.

The anti-Muslim rhetoric, pathetic leadership, and nonstop internal power struggles are destroying this party. We alienate entire communities, throw away opportunities to win statewide elections, and then act surprised when Democrats wipe the floor with us.

I ran for an OPEN seat in two overwhelmingly Democratic cities, outperformed Republicans in my area, and challenged an opponent facing disciplinary proceedings over approximately $800,000 in client settlement funds.

And where was the MIGOP? Absolutely fucking nowhere.

I’m on the executive committees of Republican organizations that had money to donate to candidates outside their districts but couldn’t lift a finger to support one of their own.

These committees are glorified social clubs filled with people obsessed with titles, influence, and controlling a party that keeps losing.

Everybody wants to be chairman. Everybody wants a seat at the table. But when it’s time to knock doors, organize volunteers, raise money, or actually fight for a seat, they vanish.

You can’t win elections sitting around congratulating yourselves for being Republicans.

I fought to earn votes in communities this party has spent years alienating, while the very people who should have been helping were too busy fighting each other over meaningless positions.

We don’t have a functioning political machine. We have a collection of egos pretending to be one.

The Democrats didn’t have to destroy the Michigan Republican Party. Its own leadership is doing a damn good job of that.

Nehme’s post leaves Republican leaders with a pointed challenge: explain how the Michigan Republican Party supports candidates doing difficult electoral work, and whether their priorities extend beyond controlling the party itself.

And Hassan we agree with you 100%

Friday, October 23, 2026

Lydia Christensen for U.S. Senate: Another Voice for Michigan Built on Liberty, Independence and Opportunity



The Upper Peninsula Libertarian is offering Michigan voters something increasingly rare in American politics: a candidate willing to challenge both the Democrat and Republican parties and think beyond their traditional ideological boundaries

Michigan voters have heard the arguments from Republicans and Democrats for decades.

Lydia Christensen is asking them to consider something different.

The Libertarian candidate for the United States Senate is running on an ambitious combination of constitutional liberty, economic opportunity, healthcare choice, workers' rights, privacy, clean water, technological innovation and restraints on government power.

She doesn't fit comfortably into the political categories Washington has created.

And that may be precisely the point.

Christensen supports the Second Amendment while advocating affordable healthcare. She champions entrepreneurship while defending workers' ability to organize. She embraces emerging technology while demanding stronger protections against government surveillance. She wants economic development without sacrificing Michigan's Great Lakes or tribal treaty rights.

Under the banner of Unchaining Michigan, Christensen is making the case that voters shouldn't have to choose between personal liberty and economic security.

Her candidacy asks a larger question:

What if Michigan sent someone to Washington who wasn't beholden to either major party?

For voters exhausted by partisan warfare, Christensen is presenting herself as an independent-minded alternative who could force issues onto the Senate agenda that Republicans and Democrats too often discuss only when politically convenient.

From the Upper Peninsula to a U.S. Senate Campaign

Christensen lives in Ironwood in Michigan's western Upper Peninsula, where her family has roots.

Her campaign describes a life shaped not by privilege or a carefully constructed political résumé, but by adversity, foster care, technical education and the effort to build something for herself.

According to her campaign biography, Christensen was born in Ashland, Wisconsin, following an emergency helicopter transfer because the Upper Peninsula lacked the hospital infrastructure necessary for a safe delivery.

That experience gives her concern about rural healthcare a personal dimension.

For families living hundreds of miles from major metropolitan hospitals, healthcare isn't an abstract ideological debate.

It can mean whether a specialist is available.

Whether an ambulance arrives quickly enough.

Whether a hospital remains open.

Whether a mother can safely deliver a child.

Christensen brings those realities into a statewide race that can otherwise become dominated by Detroit, Lansing and Washington.

The national Libertarian Party's biography also identifies Christensen as a member of the Kiowa-Sioux Nation, providing another important dimension to her advocacy for tribal sovereignty, treaty obligations, clean water and protection of traditional lands.

Her candidate materials list education at the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh and Fox Valley Technical College. She describes technical qualifications equivalent to two college degrees in computer science and computer programming, along with experience in community organizing and development.

Whatever voters ultimately decide about her policies, Christensen clearly does not come from the conventional political assembly line.

And that is central to her appeal.

An Entrepreneur Rather Than a Career Politician

Christensen is the founder of Iron Fortress LLC, a technology venture envisioned around computing infrastructure, Bitcoin mining, artificial intelligence, manufacturing and connectivity.

In public comments submitted to the Michigan Public Service Commission in May 2026, she described Iron Fortress as a developing business dependent upon access to affordable local clean energy.

That experience gives Christensen a practical reason to care about energy policy.

Businesses cannot operate on political slogans.

They need electricity.

They need infrastructure.

They need financing.

They need workers.

They need predictable regulations.

And they need government processes that don't take years simply to say yes or no.

Christensen's interest in cryptocurrency, computing infrastructure and renewable-energy development also places her campaign directly inside one of America's most important economic questions:

Who will benefit from the next technological revolution?

Her answer appears to be that technological growth should create opportunities for ordinary communities rather than becoming another system controlled exclusively by enormous corporations and political insiders.

That is a potentially powerful message for Michigan.

The state that once helped define the industrial revolution now faces another transformation involving artificial intelligence, advanced manufacturing, data centers, automation and energy-intensive computing.

Christensen wants Michigan participating in that future rather than watching it happen somewhere else.

A Libertarian Who Isn't Afraid to Think Differently

Perhaps the most interesting thing about Christensen politically is that she does not appear interested in passing an ideological purity test.

She has described herself as both a civil-liberties libertarian and a participatory economic populist.

Those labels sound contradictory only if American politics is viewed through the narrow Republican-versus-Democrat framework.

Christensen's philosophy is considerably more straightforward.

Government should leave peaceful people alone.

Government should respect constitutional rights.

Government shouldn't spy on citizens without warrants.

Government shouldn't control people's personal lives.

But economic freedom should also mean that ordinary people have a realistic opportunity to obtain healthcare, housing, employment and financial independence.

That philosophy places Christensen somewhere outside conventional partisan boundaries.

And rather than hiding those differences, she has publicly acknowledged that portions of her agenda differ from traditional Libertarian orthodoxy.

Michigan Libertarian delegates nevertheless nominated her at their June 28, 2026 convention in Troy.

That willingness to disagree even with members of her own political movement could become one of Christensen's greatest strengths.

Michigan does not necessarily need another senator who votes according to instructions from a national party.

It could use someone willing to ask whether the party itself is wrong.

A Serious Challenge to America's Surveillance State

One of the strongest portions of Christensen's platform is her emphasis on privacy.

Americans carry devices capable of documenting their movements, communications, purchases and relationships virtually every hour of every day.

Government surveillance powers have expanded alongside that technology.

Christensen wants to reverse that trend.

She opposes reauthorizing Section 702 surveillance without a warrant requirement.

She wants to close loopholes allowing government agencies to purchase personal location information from private data brokers.

She supports disclosure of secret court opinions governing surveillance law.

She also wants restrictions on federal involvement in broad license-plate-reader tracking networks.

Her proposed Bill of Digital Rights goes further.

Christensen wants personal data treated as private property. Companies would need meaningful consent before collecting or selling personally identifying information, while federal facial-recognition systems would face restrictions against mass surveillance.

This is an area where Christensen could potentially build coalitions extending from civil-liberties progressives to constitutional conservatives.

The Fourth Amendment should not disappear simply because technology has made surveillance easier.

Christensen's position is essentially that constitutional protections must evolve with technology rather than be quietly erased by it.

That is not radical.

It is a modern application of an old American principle:

Government should need a legitimate legal reason before invading your private life.

A Stronger Second Amendment Position

Christensen's current platform firmly supports lawful firearm ownership, self-defense and opposition to government confiscation of firearms from lawful owners.

She also encourages firearm safety and responsible ownership.

Earlier campaign material contained language supporting stronger background checks, but Christensen subsequently removed that provision and explained that her position had evolved toward full support for the Second Amendment.

Political opponents may criticize a candidate for changing a position.

But there is another way to view it.

People reconsider issues.

They examine arguments.

They change their minds.

A politician willing to publicly acknowledge that evolution may actually be demonstrating something voters routinely say they want from elected officials: the ability to listen.

For Michigan gun owners who also care about privacy, government surveillance and individual autonomy, Christensen offers a civil-liberties argument extending well beyond a single constitutional amendment.

Healthcare Without Taking Away Your Existing Insurance

Christensen's healthcare proposal could become one of the defining features of her campaign.

She proposes Medicaid for All as a voluntary public option.

The key word is voluntary.

Under her proposal, Americans satisfied with employer-sponsored, union or private insurance could keep it.

Those wanting the public option could enroll.

That distinction matters.

Healthcare debates are frequently presented as a false choice between government-run healthcare and the existing private system.

Christensen is proposing competition between them.

Let the public option exist.

Let private insurance exist.

Then let Americans decide.

Her proposal includes income-based premiums, no deductibles and medically necessary healthcare including dental, vision, hearing, mental-health treatment, addiction services and long-term care.

Lower-income participants would pay no premium under the proposed structure.

The program would require extensive legislative drafting, actuarial analysis and a credible long-term financing structure.

But Christensen is at least attempting to confront a reality politicians from both parties have struggled to solve:

Healthcare can technically exist while remaining financially inaccessible.

Her proposal asks a distinctly libertarian question about a traditionally progressive idea:

Why shouldn't individuals have another choice?

If private insurance truly provides the superior product, it should be able to compete.

If a public option works better for another family, they should be allowed to choose it.

That combination of public access and individual choice deserves serious consideration.

An Upper Peninsula Voice on Rural Healthcare

Christensen also brings something Michigan's Senate delegation badly needs: sustained attention to rural communities.

Healthcare policy designed around metropolitan Detroit does not necessarily work in Ironwood, Ontonagon, Escanaba or communities scattered across the Upper Peninsula.

Insurance means little if the nearest specialist is hours away.

Christensen's platform specifically includes mental-health services and addiction treatment, two areas where rural access can be particularly difficult.

Her own birth story underscores the issue.

The Upper Peninsula should not be treated as an afterthought in statewide politics.

A Christensen Senate campaign forces rural healthcare, infrastructure, transportation and economic development into a conversation often dominated by Michigan's population centers.

Protecting Social Security While Giving Workers More Control

Christensen's Social Security proposal is another example of her willingness to challenge conventional political assumptions.

She says benefits should be protected for Americans who have paid into the system.

But she also proposes giving workers greater control over future employee contributions.

Workers could continue participating traditionally or retain their employee contribution for personal spending, saving or retirement investment.

Employers would continue making contributions regardless of the employee's decision.

Christensen also proposes extending employer contributions beyond the existing wage cap and maintaining a minimum benefit for workers choosing the alternative arrangement.

Importantly, her platform calls for an independent actuarial review before full implementation.

That safeguard matters.

Social Security reform cannot responsibly be based on ideology alone.

Millions of Americans depend upon it.

Christensen's proposal deserves rigorous examination, but she is attempting something Washington routinely avoids: discussing whether younger workers can receive greater control without abandoning promises made to existing retirees.

Putting Working Michiganders First

Christensen supports raising the federal minimum wage to $15 and indexing it to inflation.

She also proposes eliminating federal income taxes on earnings below $150,000.

That would represent an enormous restructuring of federal taxation and would require a detailed explanation of revenue replacement.

But the political philosophy behind it is unmistakable:

Working Americans should keep more of the money they earn.

Christensen also supports eliminating tariffs, arguing that consumers ultimately bear much of their cost through higher prices.

At the same time, she supports stronger legal protections for peaceful labor activity, including sympathy and secondary strikes.

That combination makes her difficult to categorize.

She isn't asking workers to choose between keeping more of their paycheck and having bargaining power.

She supports both.

Michigan has one of America's deepest labor and manufacturing traditions.

A candidate attempting to combine entrepreneurship, lower taxation on workers and stronger bargaining freedom could find an audience far beyond traditional Libertarian voters.

Making Michigan a Place Where Businesses Can Build Again

Christensen also understands that prosperity requires businesses willing to invest.

She supports occupational-license reciprocity across state lines, streamlined federal manufacturing permits and reduced barriers to emerging industries such as hemp.

License reciprocity could particularly benefit workers who already possess professional qualifications but move between states.

Why should someone competent to perform a job in Wisconsin suddenly become incompetent after crossing into Michigan?

Christensen's approach reflects an important economic principle:

Government should protect the public without unnecessarily preventing people from earning a living.

Faster permitting could similarly help manufacturers and technology companies make investment decisions without spending years navigating bureaucracy.

Michigan once became an industrial powerhouse because people built things here.

Christensen wants that entrepreneurial instinct restored.

Tackling Michigan's Housing Problem From Both Directions

Christensen's housing proposals also resist simplistic answers.

She recognizes that housing affordability is fundamentally connected to supply.

If communities prevent new housing from being built, prices eventually reflect that scarcity.

She therefore supports incentives encouraging multifamily housing, smaller-scale development, manufactured homes and modular construction.

She also supports licensing reciprocity for construction trades.

At the same time, Christensen recognizes that simply constructing additional homes does not immediately help someone sleeping in a shelter, vehicle or on the street.

Her rapid-rehousing proposals combine landlord participation, tax incentives, income-based tenant contributions and assistance involving employment or treatment when necessary.

The objective is not permanent dependency.

It is stability.

Help people regain housing.

Help them regain employment.

Help them regain independence.

That is entirely consistent with Christensen's larger political philosophy.

Freedom means very little when someone has no realistic pathway back onto their feet.

A Michigan Energy Strategy Built Around Competition and Innovation

Christensen supports equal tax treatment for competing energy technologies, faster renewable-energy connections to the electrical grid and nuclear licensing reform while maintaining safety standards.

She also supports expanding electricity choice in Michigan.

Her approach is refreshingly technology-neutral.

Instead of government deciding that one energy source must win, Christensen wants competition and innovation to help determine the outcome.

Nuclear power, renewables and emerging technologies can all potentially play roles.

What matters is reliability, affordability and environmental responsibility.

For Michigan manufacturers and technology companies, electricity prices can determine whether expansion occurs here or somewhere else.

Christensen understands that energy policy is economic policy.

Standing Up for the Great Lakes

Christensen's opposition to Line 5 is among her strongest environmental positions.

She supports decommissioning the existing pipelines and opposes the proposed replacement tunnel beneath the Straits of Mackinac.

Michigan possesses something most states can only envy: the Great Lakes.

They are not merely scenery.

They are drinking water, fisheries, tourism, transportation, recreation and an irreplaceable part of Michigan's identity.

Christensen's position also reflects tribal treaty concerns.

Importantly, she acknowledges that shutting down existing infrastructure requires realistic alternatives, particularly for communities dependent upon propane.

That makes the issue more complicated than a campaign slogan.

But Christensen's underlying argument is compelling:

Some resources are too important to gamble with.

Michigan can build new infrastructure.

It cannot build another Lake Michigan.

Taking Tribal Sovereignty Seriously

Christensen's platform on tribal sovereignty is unusually detailed for a statewide candidate.

She supports stronger protection of treaty commitments, fishing and harvesting rights, sacred lands and co-governance agreements.

Her position recognizes something Washington has repeatedly failed to respect throughout American history:

Treaties are not symbolic gestures.

They are legal commitments.

Christensen wants tribal nations treated as actual governmental partners where agreements require it rather than simply another interest group invited to submit comments after decisions have effectively been made.

That distinction matters.

Consultation is not the same as consent.

Listening is not the same as honoring an agreement.

Christensen wants those commitments to survive changes in presidential administrations.

Personal Liberty Means Personal Liberty

Christensen's social platform follows the same principle she applies to guns, privacy and surveillance:

Government should have a compelling reason before interfering with peaceful adults.

She supports marriage equality and LGBTQIA+ civil-rights protections.

She supports individualized military readiness standards rather than categorical exclusion based solely upon gender identity.

She supports federal cannabis legalization and legalization of psilocybin.

She favors decriminalizing consensual adult sex work while maintaining aggressive enforcement against trafficking, exploitation and crimes involving minors.

Not every Michigan voter will agree with every position.

But Christensen's philosophical consistency deserves recognition.

Her basic test is whether someone is harming another person.

Where there is coercion, exploitation or violence, government has a legitimate role.

Where peaceful adults are making decisions about their own lives, government should exercise considerably more restraint.

Due Process Should Apply to Everyone

Christensen's immigration platform similarly begins with constitutional principles.

She emphasizes due process for people physically present in the United States regardless of citizenship.

She opposes detention without appropriate due process and wants to restrict extraordinary inland border-search authority.

She has also supported abolishing ICE, which would require Congress to determine how necessary immigration-enforcement responsibilities would be transferred or reorganized.

Whatever voters think of that proposal, Christensen raises an important constitutional issue.

Government power is easiest to expand when exercised against unpopular or politically vulnerable groups.

But once extraordinary powers become normalized, they rarely remain confined to their original targets.

Christensen's position is that constitutional restraints matter most when government claims it has a compelling reason to ignore them.

A Foreign Policy That Demands Accountability

Christensen's foreign-policy philosophy is similarly skeptical of concentrated government power.

She opposes military interventions lacking defined objectives, realistic exit strategies and a genuine connection to American national security.

She wants Congress to reclaim its constitutional responsibility over war.

That position could resonate with libertarians, traditional conservatives, independents and anti-war progressives alike.

Christensen also takes a particularly strong position regarding American military assistance to Israel.

She says she would oppose continued military assistance until independent verification of compliance with the Genocide Convention and unrestricted humanitarian access to Gaza.

She supports enforcement of the Leahy Law and recorded congressional votes on major weapons transfers.

Whatever one's position on the Israel-Gaza conflict, Christensen's larger principle deserves consideration:

American military assistance should not operate on autopilot.

Members of Congress should have to vote.

They should have to explain those votes.

And voters should know exactly where their representatives stand.

Bringing Human Accountability to Artificial Intelligence

Christensen's technology background could prove especially valuable in the Senate as artificial intelligence becomes increasingly integrated into government and military systems.

She supports requiring human authorization for lethal-force decisions involving AI.

That should not be controversial.

Machines can process information.

Machines can identify patterns.

Machines can make recommendations.

But when a decision involves taking a human life, Christensen believes an identifiable human being must remain responsible.

Her platform also calls for protecting contractors who maintain safety safeguards and requiring disclosure when agencies seek weaker privacy protections or human oversight.

The principle is simple:

Technology should enhance human decision-making, not become a mechanism for escaping human accountability.

Breaking the Two-Party Political Monopoly

Perhaps no issue better explains Christensen's candidacy than election reform.

She supports ranked-choice voting and opposes federal attempts to prohibit states from adopting it.

For independent and third-party candidates, the current system creates an enormous structural disadvantage.

Voters routinely hear the same warning:

"Don't vote for the candidate you actually prefer because you'll help elect the candidate you dislike."

Ranked-choice voting can reduce that pressure.

Voters can rank candidates according to preference rather than attempting to predict everyone else's vote.

For Christensen, that isn't simply election reform.

It is political competition.

Republicans and Democrats compete vigorously against each other while benefiting enormously from a system making it exceptionally difficult for anyone else to compete against them.

A Libertarian candidate challenging that arrangement has every reason to make election reform a central issue.

What Could Lydia Christensen Actually Bring to Washington?

No senator walks into Washington and implements an entire platform.

Christensen wouldn't either.

Legislation requires votes.

Committees matter.

Coalitions matter.

Compromise matters.

But an independent-minded senator can still change the conversation.

Christensen could potentially find Republican allies on surveillance reform, gun rights, regulatory reform and permitting.

She could potentially find Democratic allies on healthcare, labor rights, civil liberties and environmental protection.

She could find libertarian and bipartisan support for war-powers reform, privacy protections and limits on executive authority.

That could make her political independence an asset rather than a liability.

A senator who doesn't owe automatic allegiance to either party has something increasingly rare in Washington:

The freedom to say no to both of them.

Michigan Voters Should Take Lydia Christensen Seriously

Lydia Christensen is not running a conventional campaign.

Good.

Washington has enough conventional politicians.

Her platform won't please every Republican.

It won't please every Democrat.

It won't even please every Libertarian.

That may be one of the strongest arguments for taking her seriously.

She represents a political philosophy that refuses to accept the artificial choice between economic opportunity and individual liberty.

She believes Americans can defend the Second Amendment while demanding Fourth Amendment privacy.

She believes workers can have bargaining power while entrepreneurs have room to build businesses.

She believes Americans can have another healthcare option without government taking away private insurance.

She believes Michigan can develop new industries without treating the Great Lakes as expendable.

She believes technological progress does not require surrendering privacy.

And she believes members of Congress should answer to the Constitution and their constituents rather than blindly following political parties.

There are legitimate questions Christensen will have to answer during this campaign.

Some of her proposals require considerably more financial detail.

Some would require major federal legislation.

Others would encounter enormous political resistance.

But those are reasons to debate her ideas—not reasons to ignore them.

For decades, voters have been told that politics offers only two realistic choices.

Christensen's campaign challenges that assumption.

And perhaps that challenge itself is valuable.

Michigan is a state of autoworkers and entrepreneurs, union families and gun owners, cities and farms, technology companies and small manufacturers, Democrats, Republicans and millions of people who don't fit comfortably into either category.

Lydia Christensen's political philosophy is similarly difficult to put inside one box.

That could be exactly what makes her candidacy relevant.

She isn't asking Michigan voters to agree with a political party on everything.

She is asking them to examine each issue, defend individual liberty, demand accountability and consider whether Washington might work differently if voters occasionally sent someone there who wasn't part of the system that created its problems.

In an era of bitter polarization and declining faith in America's political institutions, that message deserves more than a footnote in the 2026 election.

Lydia Christensen deserves to be heard, debated and taken seriously as a candidate for the United States Senate from Michigan.

And for Michigan voters searching for something beyond another Republican-versus-Democrat election, she may offer something even more important:

a genuine third choice.

Thursday, October 22, 2026

Mai Xiong Faces Questions Over Her Home, a Fraud-Related Judgment and Her Calls for Accountability





Materials circulated by Michigan Republican Party Grassroots Vice Chairman Long bring renewed attention to a reported $2.4 million civil judgment involving Xiong’s property. The lawmaker has condemned his alleged racist attacks, while questions about the financial case remain unresolved.

State Rep. Mai Xiong is calling for accountability over campaign activity involving Republican U.S. Senate candidate Mike Rogers. At the same time, materials attributed to Michigan Republican Party Grassroots Vice Chairman Chris Long have renewed attention to a financial controversy involving her Warren home.

The documents and news reports describe a civil judgment connected to efforts to recover money from an investment fraud scheme operated by Xiong’s sister, Kay Yang. Federal regulators secured substantial judgments against Yang, while separate Wisconsin litigation reportedly included Xiong and her property.

Xiong has denied receiving money or property from her sister or the other defendants. That denial is an essential part of the story. So is the reported judgment, along with the question of what happened after Xiong said she intended to challenge it.

Her October 22, 2026, statement forcefully condemned Long’s alleged attacks on her ethnicity, loyalty and family. But it did not explain how her home was financed or provide an update on the Wisconsin case. Those financial questions deserve answers supported by records, just as her accusations against Long deserve examination in their full context.

According to an August 5, 2024, report by The Detroit News, Xiong purchased her Warren home for $310,000 in May 2021. The newspaper reported that the purchase occurred approximately one month after investors filed a Wisconsin lawsuit against Yang seeking to recover money lost through her financial dealings.

A subsequent lawsuit identified Xiong’s home among eight properties allegedly purchased with money connected to Yang’s operation. The plaintiffs accused Yang of transferring funds to relatives and associates to prevent creditors from collecting what they were owed.

The newspaper reported that a Wisconsin judge entered a roughly $2.4 million default judgment against 13 defendants, including Xiong, in September 2022 and imposed liens on the identified properties.

That placed Xiong’s connection to the case beyond a general question about her sister’s conduct. According to the reporting, she was a named defendant, and her property was included in the recovery effort.

Xiong denied receiving money or property from the defendants and said she was working to vacate the judgment as it applied to her and her home. However, the newspaper’s review raised questions about the steps she had taken.

Court records showed that Xiong acknowledged service of the lawsuit on August 31, 2022. As of the newspaper’s August 2024 report, it found no filings in which she disputed the allegations or sought to vacate the judgment.

That gap between her stated intentions and the filings described by the newspaper warrants a clear explanation. A default judgment does not establish that every allegation was tested at a contested trial, but saying a judgment will be challenged does not establish that it has been overturned.

The material reviewed does not confirm whether the judgment or lien has since been modified, satisfied or vacated. Its present status therefore remains an important unanswered question.

The federal record concerning Yang is more extensive. In May 2023, the Securities and Exchange Commission announced default judgments against Yang and Xapphire LLC following an investment operation that targeted members of the Hmong-American community.

According to the SEC’s account of the court’s findings, Yang offered investments through businesses she owned and promised annual returns of 20% to 50%. She presented her foreign exchange trading as consistently successful, even though substantial losses occurred and less than half of investors’ contributions went into that trading.

Approximately $4.06 million was misappropriated for personal and family spending, including casinos, travel, homes and vehicles, as well as payments to investors in an earlier venture. The court ordered approximately $4.06 million in disgorgement, an equal civil penalty and prejudgment interest.

Yang was also barred from serving as an officer or director of a public company. Her husband, Chao Yang, faced a separate repayment order as a relief defendant.

A separate Commodity Futures Trading Commission proceeding produced another substantial judgment in June 2023. Yang and her companies were ordered to pay approximately $13.69 million in restitution and $10.39 million in civil penalties.

The CFTC reported that the court found the operation collected at least $15.7 million from approximately 67 individuals or entities, most of them members of Wisconsin’s Hmong community. At least $4.8 million was misappropriated, including nearly $1.4 million spent at casinos and on luxury hotels and cars.

These were civil enforcement judgments involving overlapping conduct and different remedies. The awards cannot simply be added together and presented as a single amount stolen. They also cannot be described as federal awards owed personally by Mai Xiong.

Further examination of Yang’s record uncovered a later criminal conviction involving property filings. A February 13, 2026, federal court order recounts that a Wisconsin jury found her guilty on four counts of criminal slander of title on April 17, 2025. She was sentenced that June.

February 2026 reporting by Tom Daykin described a three-year prison sentence arising from false filings, including a purported $4 million lien against Yang’s former home.

Yang challenged the conviction. Her February 2026 federal habeas proceeding was dismissed without prejudice because she had not exhausted available state remedies. That dismissal concerned the procedure for pursuing relief; it did not decide the merits of her challenge.

The conviction adds a significant development to Yang’s legal history. It remains a conviction of Yang, however, and supplies no basis for portraying Xiong as criminally convicted or as a knowing participant in her sister’s investment scheme.

The materials also describe Yang’s connection to a separate financial controversy involving Hmong College Prep Academy in Minnesota.

An October 2021 federal court order documents how the school’s founder and superintendent, Christiana Hang, approached her friend Yang about potential investors or donors. Yang then contacted a Woodstock Capital principal. The court’s background account accepted the school’s allegations for purposes of deciding the motions before it.

According to the supplied reporting, Hang ultimately transferred $5 million in school funds to Woodstock, with approximately $700,000 remaining eighteen months later. The school alleged that its money had been stolen or badly managed, while Woodstock attributed the losses to investment timing during the coronavirus pandemic.

The reporting described the investment as violating state restrictions on school investments. It also said Hang and her husband, school chief operating officer Pao Yang, subsequently resigned with combined separation payments of $350,000.

At the time of that coverage, no criminal or civil enforcement charges had been filed in the school matter. That qualification must remain attached to its original reporting period.

Nothing reviewed places Mai Xiong in the school’s investment decision or establishes that she received school funds. The episode provides background about Kay Yang’s financial associations, but it does not independently establish wrongdoing by Xiong.

Meanwhile, investors continued pursuing assets associated with Yang. Daykin’s February 2026 reporting described Long and Miana Lee obtaining a Milwaukee office building through a court-ordered transfer and later pursuing plans to convert it into an events venue.

The building had been used by Enduring Love International Center, a church where Yang was a member. Its transfer illustrates the practical challenge facing investors: obtaining a judgment and recovering money are separate battles. The CFTC itself warned that repayment orders cannot guarantee recovery when defendants lack sufficient assets.

Against that financial backdrop, Xiong’s October 22 statement addressed the increasingly personal political confrontation with Long.

She said the dispute followed her request for an investigation and oversight hearing into potentially unlawful campaign activity. According to her account, Long called her a “Chinese Communist Party Asset” and referred to her deceased parents, sister and entire family as “scumbags.”

The complete original exchange was not supplied, so the wording and context of those remarks remain attributed to Xiong.

In her response, she described herself as a Hmong American born in a refugee camp in Thailand and a Warren resident of 23 years. She said her father fought alongside American soldiers in Laos during the Vietnam War and argued that her family’s history should not be weaponized against her.

“Asian Americans should not be asked to repeatedly prove our loyalty to a country we call home,” she wrote.

Xiong called on the Michigan Republican Party to condemn Long’s actions and rejected attacks based on race or immigrant background. The materials reviewed provide no evidence that she is an asset of the Chinese Communist Party. Scrutiny of her property and finances must rest on financial and legal records.

Her statement also defended the campaign oversight request that she said preceded the confrontation. Reporting corroborates that Kristi Rogers, Mike Rogers’ wife, distributed $10 gas cards at a Detroit Freedom Fuel station on October 14 while promoting her husband’s proposal to suspend the state gas tax.

Xiong questioned whether the activity violated election law and called for an oversight hearing. The material reviewed contains no official finding establishing that a violation occurred.

“Despite these attacks, I will not be intimidated or silenced for questions I raised about the Rogers’ campaign,” she wrote.

Her demand for oversight establishes a reasonable principle: financial activity involving political figures deserves examination when legitimate questions arise. That principle applies equally to the reported judgment involving her property.

A complete public accounting would include the records explaining her home’s financing, her response to the Wisconsin lawsuit and any subsequent order modifying or vacating the judgment. Long should likewise provide the complete exchange underlying Xiong’s accusations and clearly distinguish established findings from his own claims.

The available record supports serious scrutiny of Xiong’s property and her handling of the litigation. It does not establish that she operated her sister’s scheme or knowingly participated in fraud.

Xiong’s denial and the reported judgment remain in tension. Resolving that tension requires the current court record and a documented explanation of the transaction. For an elected official who is publicly demanding accountability from others, providing that explanation is a fair expectation.

Tuesday, October 20, 2026

Judge Andrew Napolitano Backs El-Sayed, Blasts Rogers Over War, Surveillance and the Constitution

 

Retired judge and Newsmax legal analyst Andrew Napolitano is urging Michigan voters to support Democrat Abdul El-Sayed for the U.S. Senate, delivering a sharp rebuke of Republican Mike Rogers over war, government surveillance and constitutional rights.

In an interview clip released Monday by Katie Halper, Napolitano made his preference unmistakable: “If I were in Michigan — no question in my mind — I would vote for El-Sayed.” He also encouraged Michigan voters to support the Democrat.

The endorsement crosses a substantial ideological divide. Napolitano acknowledged that he would likely oppose El-Sayed on taxation and property issues. But he said their agreement on civil liberties and war outweighed those differences.

His criticism of Rogers was considerably harsher. Napolitano called the Trump-backed Republican a “two-bit thug,” accusing him of supporting war and intrusive surveillance while disregarding constitutional protections. Those descriptions were Napolitano’s political judgments. 

The remarks place constitutional limits on government at the center of Napolitano’s endorsement. His stated reasoning was that disagreements over economic policy mattered less to him than the candidates’ approaches to military power and individual freedom.

For El-Sayed, the endorsement offers support from a commentator whose audience extends beyond Democratic politics. For Rogers, it represents criticism from a prominent legal voice appearing on a network closely associated with conservative viewers.

Napolitano’s message was direct: on the issues he considers most consequential in this race, he trusts El-Sayed more than Rogers.

Tuesday, October 6, 2026

Benson Says Michigan Can “Get Around” Trump’s Canada Tariffs — But a Governor Cannot Override Federal Trade Law



The Democratic nominee for Michigan governor is promising Canadian “carve-outs.” The Constitution raises a much harder question: Where exactly would a Michigan governor get the authority to bypass a federal tariff?

Michigan Secretary of State and Democratic gubernatorial nominee Jocelyn Benson has made an extraordinary promise to Michigan voters: if elected governor, she says she can negotiate directly with Canada to protect Michigan from President Donald Trump’s tariffs.

There is just one enormous problem with that promise.

The governor of Michigan does not control United States tariff policy.

Benson has repeatedly promoted what she calls “subnational agreements” between Michigan and Canada. Her campaign has described them as “carve-outs” that could protect Michigan businesses, consumers and the auto industry from federal tariffs.

On September 30, Benson said she would negotiate agreements “simply between Michigan and our neighbor to the north” to find ways to protect Michigan border crossings from federal tariff policies. Her campaign has made similar statements repeatedly. (jocelynbenson)

But Benson has gone considerably further than simply promising better relations with Canada.

During a September 6 appearance on CBS's Face the Nation, Benson said that as governor she could meet Canadian officials and find ways to ensure Michigan-Canada trade “gets around these tariffs.” 

That wording matters.

Because governors can negotiate, cooperate and advocate.

They cannot rewrite federal tariff law.

CBS Immediately Asked the Obvious Question

CBS moderator Margaret Brennan challenged Benson directly.

If the tariffs are being imposed by the federal government, Brennan essentially asked, how could Michigan possibly cancel out those costs at the state level?

Benson did not identify a federal statute giving Michigan an exemption. She did not identify presidential authority allowing Michigan to establish its own tariff schedule. And she did not explain how an agreement between Michigan and Canadian officials could legally eliminate a tariff imposed under federal authority.

Instead, she returned to the idea of subnational agreements and said Michigan could find ways for trade with Canada to “get around” the tariffs. 

That isn't a minor detail in her proposal.

It is the central legal question.

If Benson is merely proposing cooperation with Canada to reduce other costs associated with trade, she should say precisely that.

If she is claiming that Michigan can negotiate a Canadian “carve-out” that exempts goods from a valid federal tariff, she needs to explain where that authority exists.

Tariffs Are Federal Policy, Not Michigan Policy

The Constitution did not create 50 separate American trade policies.

Article I gives Congress authority over commerce with foreign nations. The Constitution also sharply restricts states' authority over imports and exports.

And Article I, Section 10 specifically restricts states from entering agreements or compacts with foreign powers without congressional consent in circumstances covered by the Compact Clause. The Constitution Annotated published by Congress notes these explicit restrictions on state power. 

Then there is the Supremacy Clause.

Valid federal law is the supreme law of the land. A state cannot simply enact a conflicting policy because its governor believes Washington made a bad decision.

That principle applies whether the governor is a Republican fighting a Democratic president or a Democrat fighting a Republican president.

Michigan does not get a constitutional veto over Washington simply because federal policy disproportionately affects Michigan.

Imagine the Reverse Situation

The constitutional problem becomes obvious if the political parties are reversed.

Suppose a Democratic president imposed federal environmental restrictions on imports from another country.

Then imagine a Republican Michigan governor announcing:

I disagree with Washington, so I'm negotiating directly with that foreign country to create a Michigan carve-out that gets around the federal restrictions.

Would Democrats accept that?

Would Benson?

Almost certainly, the immediate question would be whether a governor was attempting to nullify federal law.

That is precisely why constitutional limits cannot depend upon which party controls Washington.

Michigan Can Work With Canada. That's Not the Same Thing.

None of this means Michigan's governor must sit silently while federal trade policy damages the state.

Michigan and Canada share enormous economic interests. A governor absolutely can maintain relationships with Canadian officials, promote Michigan exports, encourage Canadian investment, coordinate infrastructure projects, work on supply-chain problems and lobby Washington for exemptions or changes in federal policy.

A governor could also pursue lawful state policies designed to offset some economic consequences of tariffs.

Those are legitimate exercises of state leadership.

But Benson's rhetoric repeatedly goes further.

Her own campaign said on September 14 that she would negotiate agreements so Michigan-Canada trade could “get around these tariffs.” (jocelynbenson)

More recently, her campaign quoted her describing “carve-outs” between Michigan and Canada designed to protect Michigan from the tariffs. (jocelynbenson)

Those claims deserve scrutiny.

Where Is the Legal Authority?

Benson is running to become governor of Michigan, not president of the United States and not the United States Trade Representative.

So there are straightforward questions she should answer:

  1. What specific legal authority allows a Michigan governor to negotiate a tariff “carve-out” with Canada?

  2. Would the agreement require approval from Congress or the federal executive branch?

  3. Would U.S. Customs and Border Protection still collect the federal tariff when Canadian goods enter Michigan?

  4. If the federal tariff remains payable, what exactly does “get around these tariffs” mean?

  5. If Benson isn't claiming Michigan can override the tariff itself, why repeatedly describe the proposal as a way to “get around” federal tariffs?

Those aren't partisan questions.

They are constitutional ones.

A Governor Cannot Create Her Own Foreign-Trade Policy

There is an important distinction Benson's campaign appears determined to blur.

A governor can oppose federal policy.

A governor can lobby to change federal policy.

A governor can challenge federal action in court when there is a legitimate legal basis.

A governor can cooperate with Canadian officials on matters within state authority.

But a governor cannot simply declare that Michigan has negotiated its way out of federal law.

If Washington has imposed a valid tariff under federal law, Michigan cannot erase that tariff through an agreement negotiated in Lansing or Toronto.

That's federal supremacy.

And no campaign slogan changes it.

Benson Owes Michigan More Than a Promise

Perhaps Benson has something narrower in mind.

Perhaps “get around” doesn't mean circumventing the tariff legally. Perhaps she means finding efficiencies, subsidies, procurement arrangements, supply-chain changes or other policies that reduce the economic impact of tariffs without eliminating them.

If that's the proposal, Benson should explain it.

Because telling Michigan voters that their governor can negotiate “carve-outs” with another country and “get around” federal tariffs creates an impression of gubernatorial authority that simply does not exist if she is talking about overriding the tariff itself.

Michigan voters deserve specifics before Election Day.

Benson is free to argue that Trump's tariffs are economically destructive. She is free to campaign against them. She is free to demand that Congress repeal them or that the president withdraw them.

What she cannot credibly promise is something the Constitution does not give a Michigan governor the power to deliver.

Michigan is a state, not a sovereign nation with its own tariff policy.

And whoever occupies the governor's office remains bound by the same Constitution and federal laws as everyone else.

Friday, October 2, 2026

MICHIGAN'S 11TH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT: Ethan Baker (R) Confronts Jeremy Moss (D) Recording - Voters Deserve Answers About America, Israel and Who Comes First


The Washington Post’s September 5 examination found no evidence that the clip it reviewed was AI-generated or edited, while the recording’s origin remained unresolved. (The Washington Post)





For months, a controversial recording attributed to Michigan State Senator and congressional candidate Jeremy Moss has hung over the race for Michigan's 11th Congressional District.

Now Troy Mayor and Republican congressional candidate Ethan Baker is confronting the controversy directly.

And at this point, simply dismissing the recording does not resolve the questions surrounding it.

If Moss maintains that the recording is false, voters are entitled to examine his denial alongside the recording itself, the available forensic analysis and whatever additional evidence becomes public.

The issue is bigger than a political feud between two candidates.

It concerns the priorities of someone seeking a seat in the United States Congress.

Baker Says Voters Deserve the Truth

In his October 2 statement, Baker explains that he did not immediately seize upon the recording as a political weapon.

He says he condemned hatred and personal attacks against Moss, attempted to lower the temperature surrounding the controversy and gave Moss an opportunity to respond.

But Baker also makes another point that should not be overlooked:

"And, there is another side of this that I believe we also have to respect: the people of this district and their concerns about the truth."

Exactly.

Respect for a candidate cannot require voters to stop asking questions.

Moss is seeking federal office. When potentially consequential statements are publicly attributed to someone seeking that responsibility, voters have every right to examine them closely.

What Is Heard on the Recording?

The approximately 25-second recording has been attributed online to Moss. Moss disputes that attribution and has strongly denied making the statements.

One of the statements heard on the recording says:

"The entire purpose of my campaign is to make sure America continues to support Israel."

Another says:

"America is not our homeland."

If those statements are authentic and attributable to Moss, they would raise serious questions about the priorities of a candidate asking Michigan voters to send him to Washington.

Moss says they are not his words.

That is his position.

But a denial does not end public scrutiny of a disputed recording. Voters can examine the denial together with the other available evidence.

The Forensic Findings Cannot Simply Be Ignored

The controversy becomes more significant because forensic specialists examining the publicly available audio reportedly found no evidence that the recording they examined was AI-generated or edited.

That does not answer every question surrounding the recording. Its original source remains an important unresolved issue.

But the forensic findings matter because one of the central questions surrounding the controversy has been whether the audible material itself was artificially created or technically manipulated.

The examination did not find evidence of that in the audio reviewed.

So the questions remain.

Where did the recording originate?

What was the complete conversation?

Is there a longer recording?

What evidence supports Moss's contention that the material is false?

Those are legitimate questions for a congressional candidate.

Baker Even Acknowledges a Problem With One Version

Baker does something important in his statement that strengthens the case for examining the evidence carefully rather than accepting everything circulated on social media.

He acknowledges that a caption accompanying one version of the recording attributed words that were not actually audible.

Baker says that caption should not be treated as part of the recording.

That's the appropriate standard.

Remove what cannot be supported.

Then examine what remains.

An inaccurate caption does not automatically establish that the underlying audio is fabricated. They are separate questions.

That distinction deserves considerably more attention.

"The Entire Purpose of My Campaign"

This is where Moss should face the most direct questioning.

The statement heard on the recording is not merely:

"I support Israel."

Many Republicans and Democrats strongly support Israel. That is a conventional foreign-policy position that voters can support or oppose.

The recording goes much further.

The speaker describes ensuring continued American support for Israel as the "entire purpose" of the campaign.

Those words, if authentically attributable to Moss, would demand an explanation.

Michigan's 11th District is not located in Israel.

Its representative is elected by Americans living in Michigan.

Those constituents are concerned about housing, taxes, inflation, insurance costs, health care, Social Security, Medicare, jobs, manufacturing, infrastructure, immigration, education and public safety.

A candidate seeking to represent those people should therefore be prepared to answer a straightforward question:

If the recording is authentic, why would ensuring American support for Israel be described as the "entire purpose" of a campaign for the United States Congress?

That is not an antisemitic question.

It is a question about congressional priorities.

And What About "America Is Not Our Homeland"?

The second statement deserves scrutiny as well:

"America is not our homeland."

Again, Moss denies making the statements attributed to him.

But if that statement is ultimately established as authentic and attributable to him, voters would reasonably want to know precisely what was meant.

What was the context?

What came immediately before it?

What came afterward?

Was the speaker describing someone else's position? Was the statement rhetorical? Was it part of a larger discussion whose context changes its meaning?

Those questions cannot be answered by a 25-second excerpt alone.

That is precisely why more transparency—not less—is useful.

This Is About Moss's Alleged Words, Not His Jewish Identity

There must also be a firm boundary around this controversy.

Jeremy Moss is Jewish.

That fact is not evidence of divided loyalty.

Jewish Americans should no more be required to prove their loyalty to the United States because of their religion than Muslim, Christian, Hindu or any other Americans should.

The scrutiny here should therefore remain where it belongs: on the recording, the statements contained in it, Moss's denial, the forensic evidence, his documented policy positions and any additional evidence concerning the recording's origin.

If a Catholic candidate were recorded saying the entire purpose of his campaign was protecting the interests of the Vatican, voters could ask questions.

If a Muslim candidate allegedly said it, voters could ask questions.

If a Jewish candidate allegedly said it, voters can ask questions.

The standard should be identical.

Baker Is Putting the Evidence Before the Voters

Baker's approach is ultimately straightforward.

He is directing people to the original short recording and asking them to listen.

He writes:

"Now, the decision rests with the people of the 11th District."

And that is exactly where the decision belongs.

Neither Ethan Baker nor Jeremy Moss should determine what voters are permitted to question.

Voters can listen.

They can examine the forensic findings.

They can read Moss's denial.

They can examine Baker's statement.

They can consider each candidate's documented record on Israel and American foreign policy.

And they can decide how much weight the controversy deserves.

Moss Should Answer the Questions Directly

The controversy can be reduced to several questions that deserve clear answers:

What evidence establishes where the recording originated?

Why did forensic specialists reportedly find no evidence that the audio they examined was AI-generated or edited?

Does a longer version of the recording exist?

What evidence does Moss have supporting his assertion that the recording is false?

If additional context exists, will it be released?

And most importantly, if the disputed statements were ever established as authentic:

Why would a candidate for the United States Congress describe ensuring American support for Israel as the "entire purpose" of his campaign?

Those are not questions about Jeremy Moss's religion.

They are questions about a candidate for Congress.

America Comes First in the Oath of Office

Whoever wins Michigan's 11th Congressional District will not take an oath to Israel.

He will not take an oath to a political party, lobbying organization or foreign government.

A member of Congress takes an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States.

That doesn't prohibit supporting Israel. The United States has alliances and partnerships around the world, and members of Congress routinely disagree about how those relationships should work.

But American voters are entitled to know how a candidate prioritizes American interests when American and foreign-government interests diverge.

That is the legitimate issue buried underneath months of accusations and counteraccusations surrounding this recording.

Jeremy Moss has denied making the statements.

Ethan Baker is challenging voters to examine the evidence rather than simply accepting that denial.

Now the public deserves as much verifiable information as possible.

Because the ultimate question isn't whether Jeremy Moss supports Israel.

The question is what Jeremy Moss's priorities would be as a member of the United States Congress and whether the disputed recording tells voters anything reliable about those priorities.

Michigan's 11th District voters can examine the evidence and decide that for themselves.







Friday, September 4, 2026

Why Michigan Voters Should Take a Closer Look at Mike Rogers

Michigan voters deciding whether Republican Mike Rogers should represent them in the United States Senate should look beyond campaign slogans and examine the record he developed during his years in Washington.

For voters who value limited government, Fourth Amendment protections, individual privacy and elected officials who remain connected to the state they seek to represent, Rogers' record raises serious questions.

The most significant concern may be his history as one of Washington's strongest defenders of expansive federal surveillance powers.

Rogers, the NSA and Mass Surveillance

Rogers served as chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence during the height of the controversy surrounding National Security Agency surveillance.

When Edward Snowden's disclosures revealed the massive collection of Americans' telephone metadata in 2013, Rogers did not emerge as a leading critic calling for the federal government to scale back the program.

He defended it.

After the surveillance became public, Rogers and Democratic ranking member C.A. "Dutch" Ruppersberger issued a statement defending the collection as consistent with the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act and arguing that the program had helped detect and disrupt terrorism.

That position placed Rogers on the opposite side of an important constitutional debate from another Michigan Republican: then-Rep. Justin Amash.

Amash offered an amendment in July 2013 intended to restrict the NSA's bulk collection of Americans' telephone records.

Rogers opposed it.

The amendment narrowly failed, 217-205.

Afterward, Rogers and Ruppersberger celebrated its defeat, calling the NSA program a "crucial counterterrorism tool" and rejecting accusations that it violated Americans' privacy.

That disagreement matters.

It was not simply a case of Republicans defending national security while Democrats raised civil-liberties concerns. Amash was a Republican from Michigan making a conservative and libertarian argument that government surveillance had exceeded constitutional limits.

Rogers represented the opposing position.

The PATRIOT Act and FISA

Rogers' position on surveillance was not an isolated matter.

The NSA telephone-record program operated under Section 215 authorities associated with the USA PATRIOT Act, while Rogers repeatedly defended the government's interpretation and use of those authorities.

As Intelligence Committee chairman, Rogers also supported the reauthorization of surveillance authority under the FISA Amendments Act.

Supporters argued that these programs were indispensable tools for identifying terrorists and foreign threats.

Civil-liberties advocates saw something more troubling: a federal surveillance apparatus capable of sweeping Americans' communications and information into intelligence databases without the traditional individualized warrant protections many Americans associate with the Fourth Amendment.

Michigan voters should decide which philosophy they prefer.

But Rogers' record on this issue is not ambiguous. When Washington debated whether national-security agencies should retain broad surveillance powers, Rogers repeatedly defended those powers.

CISPA: Government and Corporate Data Sharing

Then there was the Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act, better known as CISPA.

Rogers was one of the legislation's principal architects.

CISPA was promoted as a cybersecurity measure that would make it easier for private companies and the federal government to exchange information about cyber threats.

The concern was the breadth of those information-sharing powers.

Privacy and civil-liberties organizations warned that the proposal could allow companies to transfer substantial amounts of customer information to the federal government while receiving significant legal protections for doing so.

The controversy was not limited to fringe critics.

CISPA faced opposition from civil-liberties, consumer-rights, conservative and libertarian organizations concerned about Americans' personal information reaching federal intelligence agencies without adequate judicial oversight.

Rogers nevertheless championed the legislation.

There is another dimension to this history that merits scrutiny.

Michigan Advance reported in August 2026 that AT&T, Verizon and wireless-industry association CTIA contributed a combined $95,000 to Rogers-associated campaigns and political committees over roughly two decades. Rogers later worked as a security adviser for AT&T.

Campaign contributions do not, by themselves, establish that a politician changed a vote or drafted legislation on behalf of a donor. It would be irresponsible to make such a claim without evidence.

However, voters are entitled to examine the relationship between corporate political contributions, Rogers' telecommunications-industry connections and legislation facilitating information sharing between government and industry.

The National-Security State

Rogers' supporters can make a legitimate argument in his defense.

He is a former FBI agent who chaired the House Intelligence Committee. He dealt with classified information, terrorism and foreign threats that most Americans never see. His position has consistently been that robust intelligence capabilities are necessary to prevent another September 11.

That argument deserves consideration.

But so does the opposing view.

The Constitution was written in part because government officials will always have reasons to seek additional power. National security does not eliminate the Fourth Amendment.

For constitutional conservatives, libertarians and civil-liberties advocates, the question is not whether Rogers wanted to protect America.

The question is how much government power he was willing to tolerate in pursuit of that goal.

His record provides an answer that should concern defenders of limited government.

Then There Is Florida

Rogers' relationship with Michigan presents a separate concern.

Rogers is unquestionably a Michigander by origin. He is a Livingston County native and represented Michigan in Congress from 2001 through 2014.

But after leaving Congress, Rogers left Michigan.

In 2022, Rogers and his wife purchased a large home in Cape Coral, Florida, for approximately $1.6 million.

The following year, according to Florida property records reviewed by Bridge Michigan, the couple identified that property as their permanent residence for purposes of receiving a property-tax exemption.

That is considerably more significant than merely owning a vacation home in Florida.

Then another U.S. Senate opening emerged in Michigan.

In January 2023, Democratic Sen. Debbie Stabenow announced that she would not seek another term.

Six months later, in July 2023, Rogers and his wife purchased property in White Lake Township.

The original house was not comparable to their Florida residence.

It was approximately 728 square feet, with one bedroom, and Rogers and his wife paid $295,000 for it.

Rogers did not live in that original house. It was eventually demolished, and a new residence was constructed on the property.

During construction, Rogers said he was staying at his sister-in-law's home in Genoa Township.

The White Lake Occupancy Controversy

The issue became more complicated during Rogers' 2024 Senate campaign.

By October 2024, the newly constructed White Lake house still had not received its certificate of occupancy and therefore could not legally be occupied.

Rogers' campaign said utility and township delays had prevented him and his wife from moving in. The campaign also maintained that they intended to occupy the house as soon as the necessary approvals were obtained.

There was evidence supporting that explanation. A neighbor told CBS Detroit that Rogers and his wife were regularly at the property and that furniture had been delivered.

That context should be acknowledged.

Nevertheless, the chronology remains relevant to Michigan voters.

Rogers left Michigan after leaving Congress.

He eventually established a permanent residence in Florida.

He purchased a $1.6 million Florida home in 2022.

Michigan's Senate seat became available.

He purchased the small White Lake property in July 2023.

And he returned to Michigan politics while seeking that Senate seat.

Bridge Michigan reported another noteworthy detail: as late as April 2024, Rogers was reportedly still registered to vote in Florida, although his campaign said he was attempting to cancel that registration.

His Florida registration was subsequently canceled.

The Facts in 2026 Matter Too

Criticism should not become misinformation.

Rogers currently lives in Michigan.

The White Lake house was completed, Rogers and his wife moved into it, and the property now receives Michigan's principal-residence exemption. His Michigan voter registration is active at the White Lake address.

Rogers and his wife also still own the Cape Coral property, although they have been attempting to sell it. Bridge Michigan reported in August that the Florida house was listed for approximately $2.4 million.

Accordingly, the legitimate criticism is not that Rogers is currently an illegal Michigan candidate or that he currently lives in a house without an occupancy permit.

The legitimate question is why and when he returned.

Michigan voters can decide for themselves whether Rogers' return represents a genuine homecoming or a politically convenient return to the state when a Senate opportunity arose.

This Is About More Than Party

That may be the most important point.

Opposition to Mike Rogers does not have to come from the political left.

A limited-government conservative could object to his surveillance record.

A constitutionalist could object to his defense of bulk NSA data collection.

A libertarian could object to CISPA and the government's accumulation of private information.

A populist Republican could question his connections to telecommunications corporations and Washington's national-security establishment.

And a Michigan voter of any political persuasion can reasonably ask why someone who established permanent residency in Florida returned to Michigan when a U.S. Senate seat became available.

Those are legitimate questions.

Mike Rogers has decades of government and national-security experience. His supporters consider that experience one of his greatest qualifications.

But experience also creates a record.

And Rogers' record shows a politician who repeatedly defended powerful intelligence agencies, opposed efforts to restrict NSA bulk surveillance, promoted greater government-industry information sharing and eventually left Michigan before returning to seek one of the state's two most powerful elected offices.

Michigan voters are not obligated to disregard that history simply because another election has arrived.

Before deciding whether Mike Rogers deserves six years representing Michigan in the United States Senate, voters should ask themselves a fundamental question:

Do we want to send someone to Washington who has repeatedly trusted Washington with this much power?


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